Dolgo časa za novice o tridesetletni vojni

Dolgo časa za novice o tridesetletni vojni


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Tridesetletna vojna je izbruhnila z bohemskim uporom maja 1618. Španiji so vladali Habsburžani in je bila vpletena v politiko HRE. Ko je novica o uporu prišla v Španijo, so poslali vojsko na Češko in porazili češke sile v bitki pri Beli gori 8. novembra 1620.

Iz zanesljivega vira sem izvedel, da je novica o Češkem trajala nekaj mesecev, da je prišla v Španijo. To se zdi dolgo, tudi po zgodnjih sodobnih standardih. Koliko časa bi na splošno trajalo, da bi tako pomembna novica prišla iz Češke v Španijo v začetku 17. stoletja? Ali je obstajal kakšen poseben razlog, zakaj je trajalo tako dolgo, zlasti glede na to, da je bila Španija vključena v politiko HRE?

Na internetu ne najdem nobenega prosto dostopnega vira, ki bi to podkrepil (prvotni vir pa je serija predavanj, ki jih je mogoče kupiti), vendar mislim, da ni razloga, da bi inštruktor o tem lagal.


Praška defenestracija leta 1618 je potekala 23. maja 1618 in novica Oñate o njej je julija 1618 prispela v Madrid. To je združljivo s trajanjem komunikacije 5-7 tednov, kar je povsem razumno. 200.000 dukatov je bilo takoj rezerviranih za premagovanje pogumnih Čehov, novembra pa je bilo poslanih dodatnih 500.000 dukatov.

Razdalja med Prago in Madridom je približno 1800 kilometrov po zraku. Dejanska pot bi lahko bila precej daljša, morda 2500 kilometrov, vmes pa so Alpe. 40 dni prenosa signala je povsem razumno brez elektromagnetne komunikacije - približno 60 km na dan.


V srednjem veku in zgodnji moderni dobi je teoretično sporočilo lahko doseglo 100-150 km na dan, ko je bila dobra mreža poštnih postaj in so se konji in glasniki spremenili. Sporočilo bi lahko prišlo tudi z ladjo in v tem primeru je trajalo še manj časa. Naravni ljudje so običajno potovali pribl. 25-30 km na dan, vendar vojske niso bile poslane neposredno iz Španije, ampak iz Nizozemske ali Italije, ali pa so bile le najete za španske dukate, ki bi jih lahko prenesli po sporočilu.


MOVE Bombing komaj pomemben v politiki Philadelphije trideset let kasneje

Na današnji dan pred tridesetimi leti v Philadelphiji je policija v neprimerno prizadevanju prisilila člane skupine MOVE, črne radikalne skupine za osvoboditev/vrnitev k naravi, ustanovljene leta 1972, s katero so se lokalne oblasti že dolgo ukvarjale. spopadov, izven svojih domov, da bi jih lahko aretirali.

Revija Philadelphia ponatisal članek iz leta 2012 o bombnem napadu, ki pojasnjuje, kaj se je zgodilo:

13. maja 1985 ob 17.20 je modro-beli helikopter državne policije Pennsylvania vzletel z letalske ploščadi poveljniškega mesta pri 63. in Walnut, nekajkrat letel nad 6221 Osage Avenue in nato lebdel 60 čevljev nad dvema zgodbena hiša v črni soseski zahodne Philadelphije srednjega razreda. Poročnik Frank Powell, vodja enote za odstranjevanje bomb v Philadelphiji, je držal platneno vrečko, v kateri je bila bomba, sestavljena iz dveh palic Tovex TR2 s C-4. Po radijskih gasilcih na tleh in prižiganju 45-sekundne varovalke bombe-in z uradnim dovoljenjem župana W. Wilsona Goodeja ter na vztrajanje policijskega komisarja Gregoreja Samborja-je Powell bombo vrgel točno ob 17:28 na bunker na strehi.

Kmalu zatem je sledila močna eksplozija in nato velika, svetlo oranžna ognjena krogla, ki je dosegla 7.200 stopinj Fahrenheita. Tega dne so župan Powell, komisar policije, gasilski komisar William Richmond, izvršni direktor mesta Leo Brooks in številni policisti po besedah ​​Philadelphie Special Investigation Commission (bolj znani kot komisija MOVE) Charles Bowser "kriminalno zlo" ​​dejanje, ki je privedlo do smrti 11 človeških bitij, vključno s petimi popolnoma nedolžnimi in brez obrambe otrok, uničenjem 61 domov in sežiganjem tisočih družinskih fotografij, ljubezenskih pisem iz srednje šole in fakultete, nakita iz dediščine Biblije in Korane ter številne druge popolnoma nenadomestljive spomine.

Goode je bil prvi temnopolti župan Philadelphije in v drugem letu svojega mandata, ko je ukazal bombardiranje temnopolte soseske srednjega razreda. "Kriminalno zlo" ​​dejanje Goodeja ni stalo službe. A Čeprav je izgubil nekaj podpore iz svoje baze, je dosegel tesno zmago nad Frankom Rizzom, ki je bil župan kot demokrat od leta 1972 do 1980, leta 1987 pa je bil republikanec. Rizzo je bil prej kot mestni železniški policijski komisar med letoma 1967 in 1971. Kot župan je Rizzo mesto popeljal na pot, ki se je desetletja videla, da se je policijska pogodba vse bolj nagibala do koristi policistov na račun preglednosti in nadzora. in odgovornost.

Izbira za prebivalce Philadelphije leta 1987 med moškim, ki je odredil usodno bombardiranje stanovanjskega območja, in moškim, ki je bil imenovan za "de facto župana", medtem ko je bil v začetku sedemdesetih let še vedno policijski komisar, ponazarja ozke izbire, ki jih ponuja mainstream politika, zlasti v velikih mestih. Philadelphia od leta 1952 ni imela republikanskega župana in Rizzo, nekdanji demokrata, se je od takrat najbolj približal. Po eni razlagi dogodkov, ki so privedli do bombnega napada MOVE, bi temnopolti župan najverjetneje izdal tak ukaz, ker bi čutil največji pritisk, da je "krut proti kriminalu".

Še vedno obstaja pritisk na to, da je kriminal zelo strog, pa naj gre za volivce ali posebne interesne skupine, kot je policija. Ena od kandidatk na volitvah za demokratično nominacijo za župana Philadelphije v naslednjem tednu, Lynne Abraham, je bila od leta 1991 do 2010 kot okrožna tožilka, ki je ves čas svojega mandata trdila o svojih kriminalnih poverilnicah. Bila je tudi sodnica, ki je podpisala naloge, na katerih je temeljila policijska akcija zoper premik 13. maja 1985. Abraham, ki se je v času razširjene policijske brutalnosti in njene vloge v kontroverzni zgodovini policije v Philadelphiji v veliki meri izognil kritičnim vprašanjem o njenem delovanju kot tožilka, se namesto tega pritožuje, da jo mediji obravnavajo drugače, ker je ženska. Še en demokrat, Jim Kenney, nekdanji svetnik, ki je lani v Philadelphiji delal za dekriminalizacijo marihuane, je velik prijatelj policijskih sindikatov. Leta 1997 je Kenney v želji, da bi okrepil ostre poverilnice kaznivih dejanj, menijo, da morajo zmagati v velikih mestih, kjer je večina demokratov. Ker demokrati tako temeljito ponotranjijo politiko "ostrega kriminala", pogosto istočasno krivijo Richarda Nixona, morda obstaja prostor za republikanske alternative, ki so navsezadnje precej drugačne od Franka Rizzosa (ali Wilsona Goodsa) v političnem svetu.

Oglejte si intervju Reason TV z Jasonom Osterjem, režiserjem dokumentarca MOVE "Naj ogenj gori":


Trideset let naš vodja

Ko ga je spomnil, da bo leto 2020 njegovo trideseto leto na položaju vodje klana Maclean, je Sir Lachlan komentiral, da trideset let v resnici ni tako dolgo, in upal je, da se zaradi tega ne bomo "razburjali". Tipično! Upoštevajte, da z vidika mandata zadnjih dveh načelnikov morda le napreduje. Njegov oče je bil 54 let načelnik. Njegov dedek nikoli ni postal načelnik, ker je bil praded Sir Lachlana, Sir Fitzroy-da, tisti, ki je obnovil grad Duart, je imel 101, ko je umrl, in je bil načelnik 53 let. Postal je načelnik leta 1883. Predstavljajte si le tri načelnike v tem obdobju in vsi trije pomembni. Res smo srečen klan.

Spoznalo me je šele, da je bilo to njegovo 30. leto, ko sem slučajno videl in prebral zanimiv članek o Sir Lachlanu. Napisal ga je Charles MacLean (Charlie Whisky), ki je bil leta 1991 urednik glasila Clan Maclean Association in je bil napisan po prvem letu, ko je Sir Lachlan služboval kot naš načelnik. Charliejev naslov, Dedicated Chief, ostaja danes tako resničen kot pred 30 leti.

Charlie je ugotovil, da načelnik ... ni brez snobizma ali bombardiranja. Ima (skromnost), dobro voljo in umirjenost ... V zvezi s tem se ni spremenil. Spominjam se že zgodaj, ko sem bil vpleten v Maclean, da so mi povedali, da čeprav so nekateri poglavarji klanov polni sami sebe, naši zagotovo niso. Spomnim se tudi, da mi je rekel, da se je počutil kot prevarant, saj je bil "gospod", saj se mu je zdelo, da si tega osebno ni zaslužil! To je prišlo samo z delom. Še vedno vidi, da je načelnik nič drugega kot primus inter pares, prvi med enakimi. V službi resnično uživa in da ne bo pomote, to je delo. Njegova glavna prioriteta je bila vedno skrb za Duarta, saj je to "duhovni" dom vseh Makleanov in naših sept - ne glede na črkovanje ali vejo klana. Poleg tega mora biti odprt in na voljo ljudem za obisk. Vzdrževanje (in dejansko obnova) te veličastne stare stavbe je neskončen boj in vsi se boste zavedali velike obnove, ki jo zdaj izvaja Duart. Na žalost je bil podoben postopek izveden v 90. letih, vendar so bila popravila predvsem zaradi posebne apnene malte, ki jo je predpisala Historic Scotland, kontraproduktivna. Poglavar in njegov sin Malcolm sta del svetovalne skupine Duart za obnovo, ki zbira sredstva za uresničitev tega velikega podjetja in osebno nadzoruje prenove. Prosil me je, naj se vam iskreno zahvalim vsem čudovitim donatorjem, velikim in majhnim, ki so skupaj z družino in zgodovinsko Škotsko omogočili ta velika prizadevanja. Tisti, ki se bodo srečanja udeležili leta 2022, bodo videli rezultate!

Pred časom sem našel opis, kaj naj bi Highland Chiefs počel in bil v času razcveta klanov. Žal se ne spomnim, kdo je bil, vendar je pisalo:… .poglavar je bil tako služabnik in predstavnik svojega klana kot njegov vodja. Moral je biti politično podkovan, ekonomsko spreten in močan kapitan v vojni. Predvsem je moral biti poglavar svojim očetom dober oče, beseda klan pa v galščini dejansko pomeni 'otroci'.

Sir Lachlan je od začetka svojega mandata videl, da ima odgovornost, da sodeluje in podpira klan, njegova združenja in seveda posamezne Macleance. Priznava in opravlja dobro delo, da prečka to tanko mejo med tem, da je simbolna glava - v nasprotju z izvoljenimi voditelji. Lahko in tudi zagotavlja (običajno tiho) vodstvo in celo vodstvo - če mora. Spomnim se časov, ko je bilo v ali med združenji ali posamezniki nemiri, ko je tiho vstopil in pomagal umiriti vode ter opozoril vse, da moramo dobro komunicirati in skupaj delati za napredek. Drugačen primer tega vodenja je bil, ko se je pričakovalo, da bo višji načelnik eleA prijazno pozdravil in se mu rokoval z najnižjim, najrevnejšim članom njegovega klana kot enakovrednim. Pričakoval je tudi, da bo pogumno vodil svoje bojevnike na racije in v bitko. Moral je biti dovolj pameten, da je gospodarstvo njegovega klana vedno rastlo in uspevalo.

Današnji poglavar ima veliko enakih dolžnosti, brez moči. Sir Lachlan se je na začetku svojega mandata videl kot odgovornega za sodelovanje in podpira klana, njegova združenja in seveda posamezne Macleance. Priznava in opravlja dobro delo, da prečka to tanko mejo med tem, da je simbolna glava - v nasprotju z izvoljenimi voditelji. Lahko in tudi zagotavlja (običajno tiho) vodenje in celo vodenje - če mora. Spomnim se časov, ko je bilo v ali med združenji ali posamezniki nemiri, ko je tiho vstopil in pomagal umiriti vode ter opozoril vse, da moramo dobro komunicirati in skupaj delati za napredek. Drugačen primer tega vodenja je bil, ko so višji izvoljeni položaji v klanu postali slabi zaradi bolezni ali drugih nepredvidenih vzrokov in je v ozadju stopil v iskanje posameznikov, ki bi lahko nadaljevali.

Odkar je Sir Lachlan postal naš načelnik, se je veliko spremenilo. Bilo je veliko pozitivnih novosti. Ker ni nagnjen k »prodaji«, sem prepričan, da bi svojo vlogo pri teh dogodkih in/ali pristopih zmanjšal. S spoštovanjem bi predlagal, da se brez njegove podpore in sodelovanja ne bi zgodilo - ali nadaljevalo. Eden, ki mi takoj pade na pamet, je čudovita praksa, da vsakih pet let organiziramo mednarodna makleanska srečanja v Duartu. To se je začelo in se je nadaljevalo v njegovem mandatu. Jasno je, da je naše "matično" društvo Škotsko prevzelo vodilno vlogo pri načrtovanju in organizaciji teh dogodkov, vendar vodja ne podpira le njegove podpore in sodelovanja, temveč tudi kraj - naš čudoviti Duart! Vedno ima pozitivno vlogo na kongresu klanov, na srečanjih, pa tudi pri bolj "zabavnih" dejavnostih.

Clan Maclean Heritage Trust je bil pomembna sila po vsem svetu za prepoznavanje, izobraževanje in spominjanje pomembnih dosežkov in dogodkov, v katerih so imeli Macleans ključno vlogo kot klan in kot posamezniki. Sir Lachlan je bil močan zagovornik njegovega nastanka in je imel ključno vlogo od njegove ustanovitve leta 1996. Trust je bil ustanovljen za nadaljevanje dobrega dela CMA (Škotska) in za dopolnitev njegovih tekočih dejavnosti. To je storilo in še več. Sir Lachlan je kot načelnik edini stalni član sklada in je bil predsednik.

Čeprav je število društev ostalo približno enako, nekatera so na žalost umrla, druga pa so bila ustanovljena ali oživljena, se je komunikacija med njimi močno izboljšala. Mednarodno združenje Clan Maclean je nastalo - po nekaj napačnih začetkih leta 2002 in čeprav nikoli ni bilo vključeno ali "višje" (v hierarhičnem smislu) združenje, je lahko igralo vlogo stalnega komunikacijskega vozlišča, saj izmenjavo idej, skrbi in za skupno načrtovanje med združenji po vsem svetu. Približno ob istem času je nastalo "virtualno združenje" (Maclean.net) kot način povezovanja Makleanov po vsem svetu, ki bodisi niso imeli dostopa do geografskih združenj, bodisi za tiste, ki so raje izbrali to možnost praznovanja svojega "Macleaneryja". Nadaljevanje te teme elektronskega komuniciranja je pomembno omeniti, da imajo zdaj številna združenja spletna mesta. Po potrebi so bile ustvarjene skupine na Facebooku, nekatere specializirane skupine, kot je "mladinska" skupina Maclean, in skupine za posebne namene. Načelnik močno podpira vsa ta prizadevanja za izboljšanje komunikacije, čeprav poskušam dodati, da računalniško znanje ni na vrhu njegovega seznama prednosti! Upoštevajte, da nisem v stanju kritizirati!

Ker se je zavedal, da vsi Macleanci ne morejo priti do Duarta in/ali zborovanj, je želel fizično obiskati Macleance v različnih državah. Avstralija, Nova Zelandija, ZDA in Kanada so imele srečo, da so ga gostile - največkrat večkrat. Jasno je, da je letalski promet (vsaj pred koronavirusom) postal veliko enostavnejši in hitrejši, vendar si za takšna potovanja še vedno močno prizadevamo. Prav tako pogosto moti njegovo delo pri vodenju in vodenju pri Duartu. Pravi mi, da ni naravni ekstrovert, toda tisti, ki smo ga spoznali, vemo, da se ob teh priložnostih vedno dvigne, in nas, Maklence, razveseli, da lahko rečemo "spoznali smo načelnika"! Tako kot njegovi predhodniki si še naprej prizadeva obiskati večino sestankov in dogodkov, ki vključujejo CMA (Škotska), pa tudi tiste v Londonu.


Sir Lachlan je bil ob svojem kanadskem obisku leta 2003. predstavljen z vitražem birlinn. Od leve proti desni Ian MacLean, Colin Cameron - umetnik vitraž, Sir Lachlan in Frank MacLean.

Obžalujemo, da klan še vedno ni razvil rodoslovnega centra. To je bilo in je še vedno ena od sanj Sir Lachlana. Morda se bo to še uresničilo! Informacije so bile zbrane na nekaj mestih, tudi v muzeju Mull in na spletu, vendar nas še ni. Zanimiv dodatek k temu zanimanju je oblikovanje projekta Maclean DNA, ki bi lahko dodal/dopolnil tak center.

Kot smo že omenili, je zanj najpomembnejša odgovornost grad Duart. Razume dolgoročni pomen, da je grad odprt in na voljo obiskovalcem Maclean, seveda pa tudi drugim, vendar se zaveda, da je za načelnika skoraj enako pomembno, da je osebno dostopen in na voljo. To zanj ni vedno priročno ali skoraj tako navdušujoče kot nas. Ampak on to počne in večinoma uživa v srečanju z Macleansom in poslušanju njihovih zgodb. Večina teh srečanj z gostujočimi Macleanci je v njegovi vlogi »gostitelja« Duarta. Vendar je včasih več kot to. Kako vznemirljivo je moralo biti, da dva naša (atlantska) člana (in njuna dva otroka) nista bila poročena le v Duartu, ampak sta jim njihov načelnik in njegova žena osebno čestitala? Lahko bi nadaljeval z odličnim delom, Sir Lachlan in njegovo osebje, da bi obiskovalce sprejeli, vendar številne nagrade in članki v revijah govorijo o tej odličnosti.

Kdo je ta moški? Sir Lachlan Maclean, Bt, (baronet Nove Škotske) CVO, je 28. vodja klana Maclean. Rodil se je 25. avgusta 1942 lordu Charlesu in Elizabeth Maclean. Nekaj ​​tednov po njegovem rojstvu so ga odpeljali v Duart, ker je bilo zahodno visokogorje med drugo svetovno vojno varnejše od predmestja Londona. Prva leta Sir Lachlana so tako preživela v Duartu, zato je res njegov dom, pa tudi naš!

Leta 1966 se je poročil z Mary Gordon. Takrat je bil Lachlan (še ni bil gospod) poročnik škotske garde, polka, s katerim sta pred njim služila njegov oče in dedek. V svoji vojaški karieri je služil v številnih državah po svetu in bil v bojnih operacijah. Kot prostovoljec je bil izbran za elitno SAS (Special Air Service). Pri njih je služil štiri leta. Major Maclean se je pridružil svojemu polku in leta 1973 končno zapustil vojsko.

Pri 29 letih je bil čas, da se odločimo, ali bo poklicni vojak, ali pa je čas, da poskusim civilno življenje. Spominja se, da si je mislil, da mu bo odhod pred tridesetim letom omogočil začetek nove kariere. Ključni dejavnik je bila želja, da bi bil doma z Marijo in njegovimi otroki. Imela sta pet otrok, Emmo, deklico Morvern, Sarah, ki je umrla pri dveh letih, Malcolm Ygr. Duart in Morvern, Alexandra in Andrew. Po upokojitvi Sir Lachlana iz vojske se je družina preselila v Arngask House v Perthshireu.

Prejel je številne ponudbe za zaposlitev, vendar je začel delati za United Biscuits. Ta nova kariera je bila bolj stabilna - in veliko bolj tiha. Začel je s škotsko podružnico Crawfords v Edinburghu. Nato se je nejevoljno preselil v njihovo glavno pisarno v Londonu, saj je bil njegov namen ostati na Škotskem. Z njimi je delal do leta 1993.

Javna služba ni zaostajala. Leta 1993 je bil imenovan za namestnika poročnika v Argyllu in Buteju. Dolga leta je bil član Kraljeve čete lokostrelcev, tradicionalnega telesnega stražarja Monarha na Škotskem. Bil je adjutant, preden je bil imenovan za srebrno palico za Škotsko med državnim obiskom kraljice Elizabete II leta 1999 ob odprtju škotskega parlamenta. Ena izmed mnogih slovesnih dolžnosti, ki jih je opravljal kot Srebrna palica

Po upokojitvi iz United Biscuits je bil član upravnega odbora in sekretar Robertson Trusta, neodvisnega dobrodelnega škotskega sklada, katerega prednostne naloge so oskrba v skupnosti, zdravje, izobraževanje, umetnost in šport.

Ko je leta 1990 umrl njegov oče, je Lachlan, zdaj pravilno "Sir Lachlan", postal načelnik in podedoval Duarta. Lady (Mary) Maclean, kljub temu, da je ohranila ponos na svoje korenine iz Gordona - to je bilo edino pravilno, ko se je poglobila v svoje naloge žene načelnika klana Maclean. Ne samo, da ga je spremljala na nešteto funkcijah Maclean, ampak je postala tudi gospodinja Duarta in je bila stalnica za trgovino z darili in čajno sobo. Moji ženi Marjorie je zaupala, da je kljub temu ponosna na to vlogo in z veseljem nosila makleanski tartan, da je v žepu hranila tudi kos Gordonovega tartana! Marija je po dolgem in pogumnem boju z rakom umrla 30. decembra 2007.

Medtem so otroci odrasli. Emma, ​​deklica iz Morverna, in njena družina živijo v Wiltshireu. Emma je poročena z Giovannijem Amatijem, ki je delal v mestu, zdaj pa organizirajo poroke in druge dogodke v svoji hiši blizu Malmesburyja. Imata štiri otroke, Cosima, ki pravkar zapušča univerzo, Alberta, ki letos opravlja svojo stopnjo „A“, in dvojčka, Francesca in Cecelijo.

Malcolm mlajši iz Duarta (in s tem dedič načelstva) z ženo Ano imata in upravljata svetovalno podjetje SRE s sedežem v bližini Petersfielda v Hampshireu. Delajo na področju obnovljivih virov energije in svetujejo številnim velikim izvajalcem, kako lahko v svojih projektih zmanjšajo porabo energije. Imajo tri fante, Oscarja, ki to poletje zapušča šolo in hodi na univerzo, Fergus in Archie, ki se šolata v bližini Petersfielda.

Alexandra je poročena s Colinom Allanom, ki dela za BP, trenutno pa imajo sedež v Trinidadu s tremi dekleti, Betsy, Tesso in Clovo. Lani poleti so se preselili v Trinidad, potem ko so 4 leta preživeli v Bakuju v Azerbajdžanu.

Šefov najmlajši sin Andrew dela za Tiso v Edinburghu, ki je specialist za oblačila in opremo na prostem in ima sedež tudi v mestu.

Vsi otroci in njihovi otroci - počitnice v Duartu in se redno srečujejo s klanom na Zborih.

8. septembra 2010 se je Sir Lachlan poročil z gospo Rosemary Mayfield. Lady (Rosie) Maclean je vdova podpolkovnika. Richard Mayfield, DSO, LVO, kolega častnik škotske garde Sir Lachlana. Lady Maclean se je rodila kot Matheson, njena družina pa je prišla iz Dornieja v West Highlandsu. Družini sta bili prijatelji, odkar sta Sir Lachlan in Richard skupaj služila v škotski straži.

Šef ostaja zavezan odprti komunikaciji in želi od članov klana, združenj in obiskovalcev izvedeti, kaj od njega želimo. Upamo lahko le, da imamo še mnogo let njegovega predanega vodenja. On je odličen fant ......



Oh, spomini. Kolikor imamo radi razkošje Sky+, nam povejte, da ’ nismo edini, ki to malo pogrešamo?


󈬎 let nazaj? Zagotovo ne? ” Ja, tudi to so bile naše besede, a ta film je res star tri desetletja!

In tri desetletja pozneje Kevin Bacon dokazuje, da mu je to uspelo s to neverjetno predstavo v The Tonight Show v Ameriki.


Dolgo časa za novice v tridesetletni vojni - zgodovina

avtor Jonathan Coopersmith 14. julija 1999

Pred tridesetimi leti, 20. julija 1969, sta Neil Armstrong in Buzz Aldrin hodila po Luni, prvi koraki človeštva na drugem planetarnem telesu. Še deset Američanov je sledilo stopinjam Apolla 11, preden so se leti ustavili.

Od takrat se ni vrnil nihče.

Uspeh Apolla in posledično pomanjkanje ukrepov dokazujeta pomen politike in gospodarstva pri oblikovanju tehnološkega napredka. Američani so hodili po Luni, ker sta se predsednik John F. Kennedy in kongres odločila, da ta cilj upravičuje porabo več deset milijard dolarjev. Američani so prenehali hoditi po Luni, ker so se pozneje predsedniki in kongresi odločili, da se davčni dolarji bolje uporabljajo.

Apollo je bil politična zmaga Nacionalne uprave za letalstvo in vesolje ter ZDA. Težko je verjeti vsem, mlajšim od 30 let, v začetku šestdesetih let prejšnjega stoletja so se ZDA in takratna Sovjetska zveza v okviru hladne vojne hudo vključile v vesoljsko dirko. Vsak narod je svoje vesoljske "prve" pozdravil kot dokaz superiornosti svojega družbenega in gospodarskega sistema.

Apollo je bil tudi osupljiv tehnološki dosežek. NASA se je v osmih letih od lansiranja človeka na kratek suborbitalni skok preselila k temu, da sta dva moška pristala na Luni in ju varno vrnila na zemljo. Na stotine tisoč znanstvenikov, inženirjev, tehnikov in administratorjev je bilo pošteno ponosno na to impresivno predstavitev ameriške tehnologije.

Medtem ko je bila prava politična odločitev v šestdesetih letih 20. stoletja projekt Apollo ni uspel postaviti temeljev za trajen vesoljski program. Izjemno drago - 100 milijard dolarjev v današnjih dolarjih - je Apollo svoj obstoj dolžan hladni vojni. Le politični cilj premagovanja Rusov je NASI omogočil porabo skoraj petine nacionalnih znanstvenih in tehnoloških virov.

Nasprotno, proračun NASA zdaj znaša le 13 milijard dolarjev, kar je manj kot 1 odstotek zvezne porabe. Nasini načrti za vesoljsko postajo in baze s posadko na Luni in Marsu so dolgo ostali na risalni plošči. Danes se vesoljska postaja končno gradi, vendar načrti za nadaljnje raziskovanje ljudi ostajajo na papirju, deloma zato, ker sta izkoriščanje in raziskovanje vesolja draga in nevarna. Izstrelitev enega funta v zemeljsko orbito stane do 10.000 USD, NASA pa za vsako misijo shuttlea porabi več kot 250 milijonov USD.

Tudi izstrelitve niso pokazale želene varnosti in zanesljivosti. V zadnjem letu je propadlo šest ameriških raket, tri vojaške in tri komercialne, z izgubo več kot 3 milijarde dolarjev. Dokler se stroški ne zmanjšajo močno in zanesljivost ne naraste, bo dostop do prostora ostal omejen.

Vrnitev Johna Glenna v vesolje in NASA -jeve misije na Marsu dokazujejo, da zanimanje za raziskovanje vesolja ni nikoli zamrlo. Zdaj se spreminja ekonomska in politična utemeljitev. Kljub stroškom podjetja vse bolj vstopajo v vesolje v iskanju dobička. V zadnjih nekaj letih je vrednost novih komercialnih satelitov prvič presegla vrednost vladnih satelitov. Mednarodni odnosi so spet pomemben dejavnik pri izstrelitvah ljudi v vesolje, vendar je nov duh Mednarodne vesoljske postaje sodelovanje, ne konkurenca.

Za vesoljske zagovornike je bilo 30 let od Apolla 11 leta frustracij in izgubljenih priložnosti, ki jih je povzročila kratkovidna vlada, ki ni pogumno želela iti tja, kjer še nihče ni šel. Motijo ​​se. Apollo so ustvarili edinstveni pogoji hladne vojne. Umiranje hladne vojne je pomenilo veliko manj zanimanja in financiranja vesolja.

Največja zapuščina Apolona je pred nami. Ironično je, da bo izvor hladne vojne pozabljen, ko bo vesolje postalo področje poslovnega in globalnega sodelovanja.

Jonathan Coopersmith je izredni profesor na Oddelku za zgodovino na Texas A & amp M University.


Dolgo časa za novice v tridesetletni vojni - zgodovina

Pred kratkim sem v nakupovalnem središču The River v Rancho Mirageu spoznal mlado žensko. Praznovala je 30. rojstni dan. Prav tako je objokovala dejstvo, da ima zdaj 30 let, in mi povedala, kako težko je biti 30. Ni bilo tako težko, sem pomislila, za moškega, ki je star 64 let, a sem jo pobožal po glavi in ​​ji zaželel dobro, nato pa Začel sem razmišljati o preteku časa in priložnosti in razmišljal o merjenju, kaj smo pridobili in kaj smo izgubili, če parafraziram velikega tekstopisca.

Pred tridesetimi leti. V začetku leta 1979. Če menite, da imamo zdaj z gospodarsko krizo in recesijo gospodarsko slabo stanje, pomislite na leto 1979. Da, brezposelnost je bila za približno odstotno točko in pol nižja, vendar je hitro naraščala. Bili smo na dobri poti do najhujše recesije v povojni zgodovini, veliko slabše od tiste, v kateri smo zdaj, vsaj doslej. Toda inflacija je bila morilec. Zaradi radikalne revolucije v Iranu in velikega skoka cen nafte smo imeli leta 1979 inflacijo nad 13 odstotkov. Indeks bede — skupaj brezposelnosti in inflacije — je bil okoli 19,5 odstotka v primerjavi s približno 7,5 odstotka zdaj. Časi so bili težki.

Preboleli smo to in nadaljevali rekordno blaginjo. Preživeli smo mračne dni do jutra v Ameriki. ” Tudi danes je upanje.

Mislite, da je borza zdaj slaba? Mislili smo, da je slabo leta 1979. Od takrat se je povečalo — tudi ob nedavni nesreči — za skoraj desetkrat. Ne deset odstotkov. Desetkrat. Mislite, da so nepremičnine zdaj padle? Je, vendar je še vedno približno štirikrat več kot leta 1979 tukaj v južni Kaliforniji. Stvari so zdaj videti mračne in so, vendar so v mnogih pogledih veliko boljše kot leta 1979.

To bomo prebrodili. Želim si, da bi leta 1979 kupil več zalog in tudi več nepremičnin. Ampak tukaj res pogrešam 1979: oba moja starša sta bila živa. Lahko bi z njimi preživel toliko časa, kot sem hotel, od njih bi se lahko naučil, z njimi delil. Ljubil sem jih. Naj me imajo radi. Obupano si želim, da bi bilo spet leto 1979, ne za Jimmyja Carterja in ugodno borzo, ampak za pogrešanje mojih staršev, ki ju zdaj že davno ni več.

Ne vem, ali je pravi čas za nakup delnic ali nepremičnin ali kakšna bo stopnja inflacije prihodnje leto. Vem, da z ljudmi, ki jih imaš rad, ne boš imel večno. Bodite zdaj z njimi. To je vaša najboljša tridesetletna naložba. Ne morete izgubiti.


Trideset let podpore družinam v krizi: Home-Start Hounslow priznava dolgoletne prostovoljce

Dobrodelna organizacija, ki podpira družine v krizi, je prepoznala tri prostovoljce, ki so med njimi 30 let dela v Hounslowu.

Home-Start Hounslow pomaga družinam z majhnimi otroki pri soočanju z vsem, kar jim življenje prinaša, od več rojstev do diagnoze smrtne bolezni.

Prostovoljci nekaj ur na teden obiščejo dom družine in aposa, da jim nudijo praktično in čustveno podporo, na primer skrb za otroke, medtem ko se njihovi starši udeležujejo bolniških sestankov.

Pomagajo še naprej, dokler najmlajši otrok ne dopolni pet let ali se družina sama spopade, da se zagotovi najboljša možna vzgoja otrok.

Sonia Tandon, Gunnar Gaibi in Lyn Christou so že 10 let prostovoljno sodelovale v dobrodelni organizaciji in v tem času podpirale 27 družin.

Poslanka Brentford & amp Isleworth Mary Macleod je prejšnji petek (28. novembra) obiskala bazo Home-Start Hounslow & aposs v centru Ermine v Hounslow Westu, da bi trojici podelila nagrade za dolge službe. Prav tako je čestitala dobrodelni organizaciji, ki je prejela nagrado Za vlaganje v prostovoljce.

Lyn Christou iz Islewortha je dejala: & quotI & aposve se mi zdi prostovoljno delo zelo koristno, saj lahko vidite, kako se družina razvija, ko jim pomagate pri obvladovanju situacije.

& quotNe & apost se ne ukvarjamo z vprašanji, kot sta zloraba drog ali nasilje v družini, ker nismo socialni delavci, ampak vsaka družina, ki ji pomagamo, ima različne potrebe.

& quotMnogi problemi, pri katerih pomagamo, so stvari, ki bi lahko vplivale na vsako družino. Kot babica je & aposs tolažilno vedeti, da bi bila podpora prisotna, če bi jo potrebovali moji otroci. & Quot

Christou je dodala, da znižanje dajatev pomeni vse večje povpraševanje družin, ki se spopadajo s stanovanjskimi vprašanji, vključno s tistimi, ki živijo v utesnjenih nastanitvah z zajtrkom.

Home-Start Hounslow manager Margaret O’Connor said: "Home-Start couldn&apost run without the dedication of all of our volunteers who donate precious time to help local families with young children.

"They have made a huge difference to families by giving friendship and support in their homes, when and where it matters."

Home-Start Hounslow is desperate for more volunteers to ensure it can meet the demand for its services.

Its next volunteer training course will run every Wednesday and Friday during school hours from January 16 to February 13 at the Ermine Centre, in Ermine Close.


Thirty years on, Blenheim gas explosion lives on in town's memory

1 of 17 Buy Photo Route 30, North Blenheim, New York - Joe Marsello, age 16, finds a few things not destroyed in the fire - his mother rents house. March 13, 1990 (Arnold LeFevre/Times Union Archive) Arnold LeFevre/Times Union Historic Images Show More Show Less

2 of 17 Buy Photo North Blenheim, New York home on Route 30 destroyed by propane explosion - disaster. March 13, 1990 (Arnold LeFevre/Times Union Archive) Arnold LeFevre/Times Union Historic Images Show More Show Less

4 of 17 Buy Photo North Blenheim, New York, Schoharie County - Linda Huber, 32, rented one of the houses that was destroyed by the blast and fire Tuesday. March 13, 1990 (Dennis J. Michalski/Times Union Archive) Dennis J. Michalski/Times Union Historic Images Show More Show Less

5 of 17 Buy Photo North Blenheim, New York - John Sullivan of Cobleskill, son of the woman who suffered the heart attack following Tuesday's explosion. The windows in the woman's house were blown out but the home was not destroyed. March 14, 1990 (Dennis J. Michalski/Times Union Archive) Dennis J. Michalski/Times Union Historic Images Show More Show Less

7 of 17 Buy Photo North Blenheim, New York, Schoharie County - Roy Williams Jr. and Pat Scuders, Wednesday, look over the remains of Williams' father's home which was destroyed in Tuesday morning's explosion and ensuing fire in North Blenheim. March 14, 1990 (Dennis J. Michalski/Times Union Archive) Dennis J. Michalski/Times Union Historic Images Show More Show Less

8 of 17 Buy Photo North Blenheim, New York - Secretary of State Gail Shaffer, center, talks to a state police official in North Blenheim, scene of the explosion disaster. At left is Shaffer's father, Robert Shaffer, town of Blenheim Supervisor, who saw the explosion start along the liquid propane line while tending his cows Tuesday morning. Gail Shaffer said, "We were luck, but our poor neighbors suffered a great deal!" - disaster. March 13, 1990 (Dennis J. Michalski/Times Union Archive) Dennis J. Michalski/Times Union Historic Images Show More Show Less

10 of 17 Buy Photo North Blenheim, New York fire disaster on Route 30. March 13, 1990 (Arnold LeFevre/Times Union Archive) Arnold LeFevre/Times Union Historic Images Show More Show Less

11 of 17 Buy Photo Remains of house destroyed by explosion on Route 30 in North Blenheim, New York. March 13, 1990 (Arnold LeFevre/Times Union Archive) Arnold LeFevre/Times Union Historic Images Show More Show Less

13 of 17 Buy Photo North Blenheim, New York, Schoharie County - disaster - Liz Mace, resident of hamlet who drove to make phone called for help. March 13, 1990 (Dennis J. Michalski/Times Union Archive) Dennis J. Michalski/Times Union Historic Images Show More Show Less

14 of 17 Buy Photo House destroyed on Route 30 in North Blenheim, New York propane explosion - disaster. March 13, 1990 (Arnold LeFevre/Times Union Archive) Arnold LeFevre/Times Union Historic Images Show More Show Less

16 of 17 Buy Photo North Blenheim, New York homes on Route 30 destroyed by propane explosion. March 13, 1990 (Arnold LeFevre/Times Union Archive) Arnold LeFevre/Times Union Historic Images Show More Show Less

BLENHEIM &ndash Everyone who was in North Blenheim on March 13, 1990 remembers that horrible morning.

Anne Mattice-Strauch was a sixth-grader on the school bus. &ldquoWhen we went through town, I remember how foggy it was,&rdquo she said. That fog turned out to be propane gas leaking from a broken pipeline that exploded and incinerated a good part of this Schoharie County village, just minutes after Mattice-Strauch&rsquos bus passed through.

Liz Arrandale was in sight of the blast when the windowpanes on her family&rsquos 1820 farmhouse cracked. Her husband peered out the window. &ldquoHe said the whole hill is on fire.&rdquo Both she and her husband were fire department volunteers so they rushed to the firehouse, knowing they had to get to work.

Friday marks the 30th anniversary of the blast. And while it&rsquos an indelible part of the community&rsquos history, the controversy over pipelines in this area has continued unabated.

Instead of debates over safety, however, the fights have been between oil and gas firms that want to run new pipelines through the area and environmentalists who want to halt any new use of fossil fuels due to worries about climate change.

Robert Connors, a co-founder of the Stop NY Fracked Gas Pipeline group, didn&rsquot live in New York in 1990 and he hadn&rsquot heard of the Blenheim explosion. But he has been involved in opposing new lines over worries about carbon use. In 2016 the Kinder Morgan company dropped plans for a $3.3 billion pipeline that would have cut through part of Schoharie County on its way to New England. The project was shut down amid a lack of customers and heavy opposition by environmentalists.

And in February, the Williams Companies dropped plans for the Constitution Pipeline, which would have run from Pennsylvania to Schoharie County.

Unlike Blenheim, the two abandoned projects would have transported natural gas rather than propane. And since 1990, the development of hydrofracking technology, where fossil fuels are squeezed under high pressure from underground shale formations, has created a boom in Pennsylvania and Ohio. The Constitution line would have transported that fracked gas to points east. But environmentalists like Connors believe that needs to end in order to speed the switch to renewables like solar and wind power.

&ldquoOur opposition is mostly environmental,&rdquo Connors said. The group is also battling plans by the National Grid utility company to build a 7-mile gas line between Albany and Rensselaer counties under the Hudson River.

Moreover, many of today&rsquos climate activists are college and high school students who worry about global warming more than fire hazards.

They may oppose gas lines, but the Blenheim blast was years before they were born. And they may know of Schoharie County through other disasters, the flooding that swept through there during Hurricanes Irene in 2011.

The connection between fossil fuel use and climate change and storms like Irene isn't lost on people like Mattice-Strauch and Arrandale, but the blast will remain foremost in their minds on Friday.

Mattice-Strauch recalls how as they approached the Gilboa-Conesville school, her school bus driver, Adelbert Vroman, heard on their two-way radio that the town was on fire. They initially thought the creamery that was in the village was burning. As she entered the school, Mattice-Strauch saw a classmate running down the hall in tears yelling that &ldquoBobby has been burned real bad.&rdquo That was volunteer fireman Robert Hitchcock, who with contractor Richard Smith, turned out to be the two fatalities that day. They had stopped in the village to determine where the &ldquofog,&rdquo which they realized was gas, was coming from. The school kids gathered around TV sets in the classroom and watched the tragedy unfold as Albany news crews had rushed to the scene.

As that was happening, Arrandale left the firehouse and was driving the badly-burned Hitchcock toward the nearest hospital in Cobleskill.

Her husband, who worked at the Blenheim-Gilboa dam/power plant complex, had safety training and he told Arrandale to wrap Hitchcock up in a blanket and keep the windows up. She was racing toward Cobleskill when they finally spotted an ambulance coming their way &ndash she almost had a head-on collision trying to get the ambulance to stop since they didn&rsquot realize she was transporting one of the burn victims. Her daughter Rita May was on the same bus that Mattice-Strauch was on and she hadn&rsquot gotten word yet as to whether the kids were alright.

Gail Shaffer was New York secretary of state at the time and was driving to work in Albany when she heard about the explosion on the car radio.


Thirty Years Later, Was Kurt Schmoke Right?

Sept. 30, 1988, 38-year old Mayor of Baltimore Kurt Schmoke testified before the House Select Committee on Narcotics regarding the impact and efficacy of the so-called “War on Drugs.” Schmoke, then a rising star in the Democratic Party, had only been on the job as mayor of Baltimore for a little over a year, inheriting a city imploded by the crack epidemic, which cut a virulent swath through the urban landscape of America.

“We can guarantee that if we continue doing what we’re doing, we will fail. If we’re going to have a new war on drugs, let it be led by the surgeon general, not the attorney general,” said Schmoke. The former Baltimore City College High School football star, Rhodes Scholar and Baltimore City State’s Attorney was advocating for the legalization of marijuana and the treatment of drug addicts as patients instead of criminals. New York Times reported on the day of Schmoke’s testimony the following:

“Instead of a drug policy based primarily on law enforcement, Mr. Schmoke proposed ‘a measured and carefully implemented program of drug decriminalization,’ similar to the repeal of Prohibition. $140 Billion on Illicit Drugs He conceded that there were risks in what he was suggesting.

Sean Yoes (Courtesy Photo)

“‘Providing legal access to currently illicit substances carries with it the chance, although by no means the certainty, that the number of people using and abusing drugs will increase,’” Mayor Schmoke said. ”But addiction, for all of its attendant medical, social and moral problems, is but one evil associated with drugs. Moreover, the criminalization of narcotics, cocaine and marijuana has not solved the problem of their use.””

Despite Schmoke’s cogent, clear-eyed analysis of the catastrophic war on drugs, he was widely ridiculed for even suggesting a national conversation about decriminalization. In fact, three of his Maryland Democratic colleagues from the House of Representatives, Kweisi Mfume, Ben Cardin and Roy Dyson, testified against Schmoke before the House on that day. The late Marion Barry, then the mayor of neighboring Washington, D.C., a city, which had also been ravaged by drug addiction and violence, bolstered Schmoke’s premise only to a point. Barry testified it was “time to rethink our policy,” but he also said, “I don’t know enough about the impact of cocaine addiction.” A little more than a year later on Jan. 18, 1990, Barry was captured on videotape smoking crack cocaine (he was targeted in a joint sting by the FBI and D.C. Police) at the Vista International Hotel in Washington, D.C.

This was the toxic milieu in which Schmoke delivered his bold proposal it all but destroyed the political ascendancy of perhaps the most erudite person to occupy Baltimore’s mayor’s chair.

But, for those of us who have been here since Schmoke’s testimony before Congress more than 30 years ago, do you feel safer now or then?

In September of 1988, I had just returned to Baltimore from Los Angeles and was about 90 days from entering the doors of the AFRO for the first time in January 1989. Do I feel safer in the city now than I did then? Ne.

Baltimore’s population in 1990 was 736,014 the homicide rate that year was 234. In 2019, the city’s population is estimated at 611,648 (over 100,000 people fewer than 1990), yet, the murder rate has eclipsed 300 for the last four years in a row. I don’t have to be a criminologist to discern a large percentage, if not a majority of murders in our city, are fueled by the illicit drug trade.

Recently, Baltimore City State’s Attorney Marilyn Mosby (the office that propelled Schmoke to the mayor’s chair), announced her office would no longer prosecute marijuana possession cases. Foundational in Mosby’s decision are the stark racial disparities in sentencing and law enforcement in such cases.

I would argue Mosby’s policy shift is a good first step. But, in order to neutralize the illicit drug trade you have to take the profit out of it. To begin healing our addicted communities you have to stop treating them as criminal lepers and begin treating them as patients. Because what we are doing now regarding the drug trade isn’t working for anybody save those who profit from the misery that engulfs are city.

Maybe it’s time we revisit Schmoke’s vision he presented more than 30 years ago. We’ve lost so much already how much longer can we continue down this perilous path?

Sean Yoes is the AFRO’s Baltimore editor and author of Baltimore After Freddie Gray: Real Stories From One of America’s Great Imperiled Cities.


Long time to reach news in Thirty Years' War - History

30 years ago, it was Time for a debate
By DAVE KIFFER

Ketchikan, Alaska - Alaskans are a fractious bunch.

As an old adage goes, one Alaskan is a crowd and two Alaskans is an argument.

We argue about the weather. Each section of the state claims to have the worst in some way. We argue about the beauty, each section is the best in some way.

We even argue about which part of the state is the most argumentative. My money is on the MatSu, but there are times when our own little Southeast slice of heaven can turn even the slightest difference of opinion into the Hatfields and the McCoys. Artist Ray Troll has dubbed Ketchikan the “proud home of recreational fighting.”

Once upon a time, nearly 30 years ago, we even argued about the time. In those days it was easier to get a grip on the size of Alaska. It spanned four time zones, the same as in all of the contiguous Lower 48.


Extend Daylight Time
By Tab, The Calgary Sun
Distributed to subscribers for publication by Cagle Cartoons, Inc.


But then, in an effort to bring Alaskans “closer together” Governor Bill Sheffield proposed eliminating two of the four time zones. Naturally, that also started an argument.

As with many issues of contention in Alaskan, the time zone proposal had to do with the 800 pound gorilla of Alaskan arguments, whether or not to move the state capitol out of Juneau.

Some Southeast residents, primarily those in Juneau, felt that moving the capital closer to the Railbelt – time wise – would help blunt efforts to move the capital, which had led to another statewide vote in November of 1982.

Residents in the rest of Southeast Alaska were more interested in staying on Pacific Time because most felt that they had more interaction with Seattle and other West Coast communities than they did with Anchorage and the Rail Belt.

Time had always been a fairly local proposition in Alaska, with the huge state covering enough longitude to qualify for five time zones. National Park Service Historian Frank Norris says that prior to 1900 time was determined by longitude.

“Based on that system, clocks in Wrangell (located at 132 Degrees West Longitude) would strike noon 12 minutes before those located in Sitka (at 135 Degrees West Longitude),” Norris wrote in a 2003 issue of the Alaska History Journal. “This system proved slightly vexing to ship captains and commercial traders who traveled long distances. Most people, however, traveled little thus there was little pressure to change the existing state of affairs.”

In Ketchikan, it was assumed that whatever time it was in Seattle was good enough, even though – according to the longitude theory - Ketchikan should have been at least 30 minutes behind Seattle. Watches and clocks were set by calling the phone company, which checked in every morning with Seattle for the correct time.

Even so, old timers say, time was not as crucial to the day to day events as it is now. In the summer, most work began not long after sunrise and ended in the dusk of nightfall. In the winter – when things slowed down dramatically – outdoor work was limited to daylight as well, although indoor commerce found itself beginning in darkness in the morning and ending in darkness in the late afternoon.

The only significant public display of timekeeping took place at noon, when Ketchikan Spruce Mill would rattle the windows of downtown with its horn. In the summer, canneries would also mark break times with bells and sirens, but since the breaks were not consistent the public at large couldn’t set their watches by the sounds.

As in a lot of other areas, the Alaskan/Canadian Gold Rushes of the 1890s and 1900s brought change. The US Army, which was responsible for keeping order in territory, wanted more established times. Three zones were created. Alaska Standard Time – one hour before Pacific Time – was established in Southeast, then the most populous part of the state. Additional time zones were also established for Central and Western Alaska.

This delineation stayed in place until 1940. Time changes for daylight savings time also came into effect in the early 1920s.

Another change came into effect during World War I when Alaska Standard Time was moved two hours – rather than one hour – before Pacific Time. But since it was a slower time, a time when there was little instantaneous communication between Alaska and the Outside World, most residents continued to observe Alaska Time as an hour before Pacific Time.

By the mid 1920s, though, there was a move to change Southeast’s time to that of the Pacific Coast. In 1926, the Ketchikan City Council voted to adopt Pacific Standard Time. According to the Ketchikan Chronicle, the move had strong support from fishermen, tourists and businesses doing business with Seattle interests.

The Daily Alaska Empire (Juneau) noted that the while the idea was also proposed in other Southeast communities, none followed Ketchikan’s lead. In the 1930s, some communities followed Seattle’s lead and moved to Daylight Savings time, but the actions were not region or statewide.

Shortly before World War II, in April of 1940, Juneau voters chose to move from Alaska Standard to Pacific Time. During World War II, the rest of the state moved to Pacific Time. But at the end of the War, when the rest of the country repealed “War Time,” Southeast as a region stayed on Pacific Time.

Eventually, time zones became further established with most of Southeast on Pacific Time, Skagway on Yukon Time, the Rail Belt on Alaska-Hawaii Time and Western Alaska in a fourth time zone.

That’s where things remained until the 1970s, when the capital move debate began to dominate statewide politics.

In 1979, the Juneau City-Borough Assembly – at the urging of Mayor Bill Overstreet - requested that the Federal Department of Transportation move northern Southeast Alaska to Yukon Time, hoping this would ease some of the tension with the Railbelt. This was approved and in April of 1980, Juneau and Haines joined Skagway in the Yukon Time zone. Ketchikan, Wrangell, Petersburg and Sitka stayed in the Pacific zone.

This change occurred despite the fact that a rebellion had occurred in Juneau with a majority of the residents opposing the move. The state government also asked the federal government to leave Juneau and Haines in Pacific Time, but the Federal DOT refused, at least initially.

Opposition intensified – residents in Juneau even tried to recall several Assembly members who originally proposed the time change – and the Federal Government agreed to reassess the time change. By the end of 1980, it had decided to revoke its decision to move Juneau to Yukon Time.

In the 1982 elections, voters turned down the capital move question, but newly elected Governor Bill Sheffield decided to “bring the state closer together” by putting nearly the entire state on a single time zone. Sheffield proposed that the Railbelt move up one hour and Southeast move back an hour, putting both areas on what would be called Alaska Time.

Western Alaska and the far Aleutians would also be moved up an hour but would still remain an hour behind the rest of the state. The Federal Government modified the proposal slightly and put Western Alaska into the unified time zone, leaving only the Aleutians in the Western Alaska zone. The new zones went into affect in October of 1983.

Naturally, in Southeast – especially Southern Southeast – the move to a new time was controversial. Residents of Metlakatla and the Annette Island Indian Community opted to stay on Pacific Time, which is why there is an hour time difference between Ketchikan and Metlakatla when Ketchikan goes off Daylight Savings Time each fall.

Residents of Ketchikan were also generally unhappy with the time change. The time change was set to coincide with the normal “fall back” from daylight savings to standard time in October 1983. So in effect, Southeast residents “fell back” two hours that year. Whereas sunset was at 6:09 on Oct 30 it was suddenly at 4:02 on Oct. 31st. By contrast, residents in the central part of the state didn’t change their clocks at all. By not “falling back” an hour they were suddenly on the same time zone as Southeast.

Among the complaints aired in the Ketchikan Daily News was that the move hurt business with Seattle. This was the same argument that Metlakatla used, because the Native community said it did more business with federal agencies in Seattle and Washington D.C.

Locally, it was also felt that the increased darkness in the afternoon was dangerous to children coming home from school. School Superintendent Darroll Hargraves told the Daily News that the district was expecting a few days of “grumpy, hyperactive kids” because biological clocks would be out of whack.

Police chief Dan Anslinger said the additional darkness in the afternoon would create a danger because many school children would be walking home in the dark. “Having an extra hour of light in morning won’t do anything for us,” Anslinger told the Daily News.

Local air traffic operators also faulted the change. The two-hour fall back meant that flights would have to end by 3:30 pm in December and January. “We’ll have to be back well before the normal work day is over,” Ketchikan Air pilot Don Nobles told the Daily News.

The change did spur one positive change for local sports enthusiasts. The loss of an hour of daylight eventually spurred the community to spend more than $500,000 to put lights at Dudley and Walker Fields.

The anger at the time change was so deep that hundreds of names were gathered on petitions and in 1984 the Ketchikan City Council voted to go back to Pacific Time. But that vote was contingent upon the Borough Assembly taking similar action. Prior to the Assembly vote, Governor Sheffield contacted its members and asked them to put off action and give the time change a chance to work. The Assembly voted 6-1 to “study” the proposal further.

Still citizens groups in Ketchikan and other Southeast communities continued to press their case for a return to Pacific Time. In 1986, the Federal Government turned down their requests. According to the Ketchikan Daily News, the refusal was because officials felt that allowing individual communities to choose their time zones would create greater difficulty in terms of commerce and communications.

For a while, several Ketchikan residents informally protested by remaining on Pacific Time. At least one business, Murray Pacific, joined them.

The company, which did a large percentage of its business with companies in Seattle, felt it was losing at least two hours of business time with the West Coast. So it polled its employees and they unanimously supported staying on Pacific Time.

At the time, one employee noted that going to work an hour later in the morning was a good thing because there was less competition for the use of the family bathroom.

Since the 1980s, there have been several proposals to alter the time zones again. The most common suggestion is for Alaska to stay on Daylight Savings Time year round. But none of the proposals have received wide scale support.

On the other hand, the capital move, which Governor Sheffield hoped to forestall by condensing the time zones - continues to be debated – and argued over – year after year.