Kdaj se je prvič zgodilo pripisovanje sporočil o bombah?

Kdaj se je prvič zgodilo pripisovanje sporočil o bombah?

Rad bi vedel, kdaj in zakaj, so se prvič pojavila sporočila, napisana na bombah. Še posebej, če so ga med vojnimi operacijami uporabljali le člani posadke ZDA.


To so počeli že od antičnih časov in praksa se je preprosto nadaljevala.

Rimljani so včasih na kamenje dodajali duhovite male žaljivke, ki so jim dodali še kakšen dodaten zalogaj, ko so jih uporabili proti sovražniku.

Vir

Nekatere od teh šal so bile neškodljive

Bodite dobro nastanjeni
Za Pompeyevo zadnjo stran

In nekateri so bili bolj eksplicitni.

Videla sem televizijski program, kjer je voditelj prevedel nekaj izbranih žalitev.

Toda v bistvu se je to pošiljanje sporočil sovražniku vedno dogajalo. Vozniki se naveličajo ostrenja mečev, zato naj njihova domišljija zbudi v interesu krepitve morale z izmišljanjem nesramnih šal kot vaših rojakov.

Kar zadeva sporočila o strelivu z letalom, bo to kmalu po tem, ko je bilo strelivo z letalom prvič razporejeno ...


Jedrski nogomet

The jedrski nogomet (znan tudi kot atomski nogomet, predsednikova torba za nujne primere, Predsedniški nahrbtnik za nujne primere, [1] the gumb, Črna škatlaali samo nogomet) je aktovka, katere vsebino naj bi predsednik ZDA uporabil za odobritev jedrskega napada, medtem ko je oddaljen od stalnih poveljniških centrov, na primer situacijske sobe Bele hiše ali predsedniškega operativnega centra za nujne primere. Deluje kot mobilno vozlišče v strateškem obrambnem sistemu Združenih držav. V lasti je ađutant.


Bombardiranje Hirošime: 6. avgusta 1945

Paul Tibbets in Enola Gay. Z dovoljenjem zbirke Joseph Papalia.

0000: Polkovnik Paul Tibbets ima na enem koncu bivalnega prostora zadnji posvet posadkam posebne bombne misije št. 13, ki jo sestavlja sedem letal B-29. Cilj izbire ostaja Hirošima. Tibbets je pilot, Robert Lewis je kopilot letala za orožje Enola Gay. Dve opazovalni ravnini (Veliki umetnik in Nujno zlo) bi nosili kamere in znanstveno opremo ter spremljali Enola Gay.

0015: Tibbets pokliče kaplana Williama Downeyja, ki povabi posadke, naj sklonijo glavo. Downey nato prebere molitev, ki jo je sestavil posebej za to priložnost.

»Vsemogočni Oče, ki boš slišal molitev tistih, ki te ljubijo, plačujemo ti, da si s tistimi, ki se drznejo višin tvojih nebes in ki nosijo bitko našim sovražnikom. Prosimo vas, da jih varujete in varujete, ko letijo po svojih krogih. Naj tako oni kot mi poznamo tvojo moč in moč in oboroženi s svojo močjo naj to vojno hitro končajo. Molimo te, da bi se kmalu končal vojni in da bi spet spoznali mir na zemlji. Naj bodo moški, ki letijo to noč, varno v tvoji oskrbi in naj se varno vrnejo k nam. Zaupali bomo v Tebe in vedeli, da smo pod tvojo oskrbo zdaj in za vedno. V imenu Jezusa Kristusa. Amen. "

0112: Tovornjaki poberejo posadki dveh opazovalnih letal, ki bosta spremljali Enola Gay.

0115: Tovornjak pobere posadko Enola Gay. Tibbets in Parsons sedita spredaj z voznikom. V zadnjem delu tovornjaka so Nizozemci Van Kirk, Thomas Ferebee, Robert Lewis, Jacob Beser, Morris Jeppson, Bob Caron, Robert Shumard, Joseph Stiborik in Richard Nelson. Posadka nosi bledo zeleni bojni kombinezon. Edina identifikacija so pasje oznake okoli vratu. Oznaka psa Jacoba Beserja je označena s "H" za "hebrejščino".

0137: Tri vremenska letala, Straight Flush, Jabit III in Full House, vzlet, vsak neodvisno dodeljen za oceno vremenskih razmer v Hirošimi, Kokuri in Nagasakiju.

0151: Veliki smrad prevzame vlogo rezervnega letala pri Iwo Jimi.

0220: Konec Enola Gay posneta je posadka. Tibbets se obrne k svoji ekipi in reče: "V redu, pojdimo na delo."

0227: Enola GaySe zaženejo motorji.

0235: Enola Gay prispe na vzletno -pristajalno stezo.

0245: Enola Gay začne vzletno rolo. Polkovnik Paul Tibbets pravi kopilotu Robertu Lewisu: "Gremo." Potisne vse dušilke naprej. Preobremenjen Enola Gay se počasi dvigne na nočno nebo, pri tem pa uporabi več kot dve milji vzletno -pristajalne steze.

0249: Nujno zlo vzleti.

0255: Deset minut po vzletu Nizozemec Van Kirk zapiše svoj prvi vnos v dnevnik navigatorja.

0300: Kapitan William "Deak" Parsons Tibbetsa udarja po rami, kar kaže, da bodo začeli oboroževati Little Boyja. Parsons in Morris Jeppson, pooblaščenec za elektronske teste, se povzpneta v oddelek za bombo.

0310: Parsons vstavi majhnega dečka smodnik in detonator.

0320: Parsons in Jeppson dokončata vstavljanje naboja v Little Boy in se povzpneta iz oddelka za bombo.

0420: Van Kirk predvideva predviden čas prihoda nad Iwo Jima ob 5:52.

0600: B-29 so se srečali nad Iwo Jimo, se povzpeli na 9.300 čevljev in se podali na Japonsko.

0715: Jeppson odstrani varnostne naprave Little Boy in vstavi naprave za aktiviranje (spreminjanje iz zelenih v rdeče vtiče).

0730: Tibbets posadki sporoča: "Nosimo prvo atomsko bombo na svetu." Tlači na Enola Gay in se začne vzpon na 32.700 metrov. Posadka si obleče padala in obleke.

0809: Vremenska letala letijo nad možnimi ciljnimi mesti. V Hirošimi se sporoči opozorilo o zračnem napadu.

0824: Pilot leta Straight Flush vremensko letalo pošlje Tibbetu kodirano sporočilo, ki pravi: »Oblačnost pokriva manj kot 3/10 na vseh nadmorskih višinah. Nasvet: primarna bomba. "Tibbets vklopi domofon in sporoči:" To je Hirošima. " Tibbets nato prosi Richarda Nelsona, da pošlje eno besedo Williamu L. Uanni, vodji oddelka za varnost eskadrilje na Iwo Jimi: "Primary."

0831: Vremenska letala zapuščajo svoje lokacije. V Hirošimi je vse jasno.

0850: Letenje na višini 31.000 ft, Enola Gay prečka Shikoku vzhodno od Hirošime. Pogoji bombardiranja so dobri, ciljna točka je lahko vidna in nasprotovanja ne naletijo.

0905: Van Kirk objavi: "Deset minut do AP." Enola Gay je na nadmorski višini 31.060 čevljev s hitrostjo zraka 200 milj na uro, ko prvič pride v poštev mesto Hirošima. V Japonskem morju je plima, zato je sedem vej reke Ota popolnoma polnih in mirnih. Moški študentje se odpravljajo na delo v tovarno streliva. Učenke že rušijo več stavb, da bi ustvarile dodatne požarne steze.

0912: Nadzor nad Enola Gay je predan bombardirju Thomasu Ferebeeju, ko se bo bomba začela. Operater radia Hirošima poroča, da so opazili tri letala.

0914: Tibbets svoji posadki reče: "Na kozarcih."

0914:17 (0814: 17 čas v Hirošimi): Ciljna točka Ferebeeja, most Aioi v obliki črke T, je v jasnem dosegu. 60-sekundno zaporedje do samodejnega sproščanja bombe je vključeno pri opazovanju bombe Norden. Luis Alvarez, eden vodilnih znanstvenikov projekta Manhattan Project Veliki umetnik, sprosti dva manometra na padalih, da ugotovi izkoristek bombe. Ljudje na tleh, ki gledajo enega samega bombnika šest milj nad sabo, opazujejo majhen predmet, ki lebdi navzdol.

0915: 15 (8:15:15 čas v Hirošimi): Vrata bombe se na hitro odprejo in Mali fant se spusti z zadrževalnega kavlja. Ferebee objavi: "Bomb away." Nos Enola Gay se dvigne za deset čevljev, ko je bomba Little Boy sproščena pri 31.060 čevljih. Tibbets takoj potegne Enola Gay v ostro zavijanje za 155 stopinj v desno. Ferebee opazuje, kako bomba niha, preden ta pospeši in odpade.

Na tleh je potrebno drugo opozorilo o zračnem napadu. Za dodatnih 44,4 sekunde bo Enola Gay še naprej leti proti severu, ko bomba pada proti ciljni točki. Ko je dosežena določena višina detonacije, Mali deček eksplodira nad mestom Hirošima.

V času detonacije je Enola Gay je oddaljen že enajst kilometrov in pol. Tibbets s hrbtom proti eksploziji opazi srebrno modro bliskavico in v ustih doživi čuden občutek, enak, kot če bi se z vilicami dotaknil svinca in srebrnih zalivk v ustih.

Bob Caron, strelec repa Enola Gay, je edini član posadke, ki se v času detonacije sooča s Hirošimo. Zagleda šimer v ozračju, ki prihaja proti letalu. Ker ne razume, kaj se dogaja, Caron molči. Kmalu zatem je udaril prvi od treh zaporednih udarnih valov Enola Gay trup pa škripa in stoka z zvokom krčkajoče se aluminijaste folije.

0916: 02 (8:16:02 AM po Hirošimi): Potem, ko je v triinštiridesetih sekundah padel skoraj šest kilometrov, Mali deček eksplodira 1968 metrov nad kliniko dr. Shime, 550 čevljev stran od cilja Aioi mostu. Jedrska cepitev se začne v 0,15 mikrosekundah z enim nevtronom in sproži nadkritično verižno reakcijo, ki temperaturo poveča na nekaj milijonov stopinj Fahrenheita, vroče od površine sonca v času, ko se ohišje bombe razpade. Donos je 12,5-18 Kt (najboljša ocena je 15 Kt).

To je vrhunec jutranje konice v Hirošimi. Nad mestom se ognjena krogla hitro širi.

0,1 sekunde: Ognjena krogla se je razširila na sto metrov v premeru v kombinaciji s temperaturo 500.000 ° F. Nevtroni in gama žarki dosežejo tla. Ionizirajoče sevanje je odgovorno za povzročanje večine radioloških poškodb vsem izpostavljenim ljudem, živalim in drugim biološkim organizmom.

.15 sekund: Pregret zrak nad tlemi se sveti. Ženska, ki sedi na stopnicah na bregu reke Ote, pol milje stran od ničle, v trenutku izhlapi.

0,2-0,3 sekunde: Intenzivna infrardeča energija se sprosti in v trenutku opeče izpostavljeno kožo milj v vse smeri. Gradnja strešnikov se zlije skupaj. Bronasti kip Bude se topi in celo granitni kamni. Strešniki se zlijejo skupaj, leseni telefonski drogovi karbonizirajo in postanejo podobni oglju. Mehki notranji organi (notranji organi) ljudi in živali izhlapijo. Udarni val se širi navzven s hitrostjo dveh milj na sekundo ali 7.200 milj na uro.

1,0 sekunde in več: Ognjena krogla doseže največjo velikost, s premerom približno 900 čevljev. Udarni val se upočasni na približno hitrost zvoka (768 milj na uro). Temperatura na tleh neposredno pod eksplozijo (hipocenter) je 7000 ° F. Začne se oblikovati gobji oblak.

Pihalni val širi ogenj navzven v vse smeri s hitrostjo 984 milj na uro, raztrga in ožga oblačila z vsake osebe na svoji poti. Udarni val udari v gore okoli Hirošime in se odbije nazaj. Približno 60.000 od 90.000 mestnih stavb poruši močan veter in požar.

Približno 525 čevljev jugozahodno od hipocentra je bakrena obloga, ki pokriva kupolo razstavne dvorane industrijskih izdelkov, izginila in razkrila okostjasto strukturo nosilca kupole. Večina opečnih in kamnitih zidov stavbe ostaja na mestu.

Tla v hipocentru se ohladijo na 5.400 ° F. Oblak gob doseže višino približno 2500 čevljev. Kosci stekla z razbitimi okni so vstavljeni povsod, tudi v betonske stene. Ognjena krogla začne zatemniti, vendar še vedno ohranja svetilnost, ki je enaka desetkratni sončni svetlobi na razdalji 5,5 milj.

Jedrske sence se prvič pojavijo zaradi ekstremnega toplotnega sevanja. Te sence so obrisi ljudi in predmetov, ki blokirajo toplotno sevanje. Primer je ženska, ki je sedela na stopnicah blizu brega reke Ote. V betonu ostane le senca, kjer je sedela. Senca moškega, ki vozi voz čez cesto, je vse, kar ostane na asfaltu. Senca jeklenega ventila se pojavi na betonski steni neposredno za njim, ker je toplotno sevanje blokiral obris kolesa.

Russell Gackenbach, navigator na krovu Nujno zlo, na razdalji 15 milj od atomske eksplozije je osvetljen s tako močno svetlobo, da bi lahko celo z zaščitnimi očali prebral drobni tisk svoje žepne Biblije.

Na tleh požarna nevihta še naprej divja na območju, ki je zdaj naraslo na več kot kilometer v širino. Na nebu se začne dvigovati grozljiva, besna rdeča in vijolična gmota. Kolona gob sesa pregret zrak, ki požari vse gorljivo. Bob Caron primerja pogled s "pokukanjem v pekel".

Kodirano sporočilo, ki ga je sestavil Parsons, se pošlje generalu Thomasu Farrellu v Tinian. V njem je pisalo: »Jasno, uspešno v vseh pogledih. Vidni učinki so večji od Alamogordo. Normalne razmere v letalu po dostavi. Nadaljujem do baze. "

Enola Gay kroži okoli Hirošime skupaj trikrat, začenši pri 29.200 čevljih in se vzpenja proti 30.000 čevljem, preden se odpravi proti domu. Od Hirošime je bilo 368 milj, preden je Caron poročal, da gobji oblak ni več viden.

0930 (0830 čas v Hirošimi): Mornariški depo Kure pošlje v Tokio sporočilo, da je na Hirošimo padla bomba.

1055 (0955 čas po Hirošimi): ZDA prestrežejo sporočilo japonske 12. letalske divizije, ki poroča o "nasilni, veliki bombi posebnega tipa, ki daje videz magnezija".

1100 (1000 čas po Hirošimi): Sporočilo iz Hirošime na vojaško ministrstvo se sklicuje na podatke o novi ameriški bombi in poroča, da "to mora biti to".

1458: Enola Gay pristane na otoku Tinian na Severnem polju. Prva misija atomskega bombardiranja je skupaj trajala dvanajst ur in trinajst minut.

1500 (1400 po tokijskem času): Telegram tiskovne agencije Domei v Tokiu poroča o napadu na Hirošimo, ne pa o obsegu uničenja.

Večer: Višji upravitelj japonske vlade poroča o ogromnem uničenju v Hirošimi.


Kdaj se je prvič zgodilo pripisovanje sporočil o bombah? - Zgodovina

POTSDAM IN KONČNA ODLOČBA O UPORABI BOMBE
(Potsdam, Nemčija, julij 1945)
Dogodki & gt Zora atomske dobe, 1945

  • Vojna vstopi v zadnjo fazo, 1945
  • Razprava o tem, kako uporabljati bombo, konec pomladi 1945
  • Test Trojice, 16. julij 1945
  • Varnost in Trojni test, julij 1945
  • Ocene Trojice, julij 1945
  • Potsdam in končna odločitev o bombardiranju, julij 1945
  • Atomsko bombardiranje Hirošime, 6. avgusta 1945
  • Atomsko bombardiranje Nagasakija, 9. avgusta 1945
  • Japonska se predaja, 10-15. Avgusta 1945
  • Projekt Manhattan in druga svetovna vojna, 1939-1945

Po Predsednik Harry S. Truman prejel vest o uspehu Trojni test, se je njegova potreba po pomoči Sovjetske zveze v vojni proti Japonski močno zmanjšala. Sovjetski voditelj Jožef Stalin je obljubil, da se bo pridružil vojni proti Japonski do 15. avgusta. Truman in njegovi svetovalci zdaj niso bili prepričani, da si želijo te pomoči. Če bi uporaba atomske bombe omogočila zmago brez invazije, bi jih sprejetje sovjetske pomoči le povabilo v razprave o povojni usodi Japonske. V drugem tednu zavezniških posvetovanj v Potsdamu, 24. julija 1945 zvečer, se je Truman brez tolmača približal Stalinu in mu, kolikor je le mogoče, povedal, da imajo ZDA "novo orožje nenavadne uničujoče sile". Stalin je pokazal malo zanimanja in odgovoril le, da upa, da bodo ZDA to "dobro izkoristile proti Japoncem". Razlog za Stalinovo zbranost je bil pozneje jasen: Sovjetska obveščevalna služba je prejemala informacije o programu atomske bombe od jeseni 1941.

Končna odločitev o padcu atomske bombe, ki je bila sprejeta naslednji dan, 25. julija, je bila odločno antiklimatična. Kako in kdaj ga je treba uporabljati, je bilo že obravnavano razprava na visoki ravni mesece. Direktiva (desno), avtor: Leslie Groves, ki ga je odobril predsednik Truman, izdala pa ga je vojni sekretar Henry Stimson in general armade George Marshall, 509. sestavljeni skupini vojaških letalskih sil odredila napad na Hirošimo, Kokuro, Niigato ali Nagasaki (v tem vrstnem redu) takoj po tem 3. avgusta, ko vreme dopušča. Za nadaljnje atomske napade ni bilo potrebno dodatno dovoljenje. Dodatne bombe je bilo treba dostaviti takoj, ko bodo na voljo, proti vsem japonskim mestom, ki so ostala na ciljnem seznamu. Stalinu ni bilo povedano. Ciljanje je bilo zdaj preprosto odvisno od tega, katero mesto na dan napada niso zakrili oblaki.

509. polkovnik Paul Tibbets je bil pripravljen. Svoje lažne "bučne" bombe so že začeli spuščati na japonske cilje, tako za vajo kot za privajanje Japoncev na prelete majhnega števila B-29. Uranova bomba "Little Boy" je brez jedrskih sestavin prispela na otok Tinian na krovu ZDA. Indianapolis 26. julija, kmalu zatem pa še zadnje jedrske komponente bombe, ki so jih dostavili pet tovornih letal C-54. 26. julija je v Potsdam prišlo sporočilo, da je bil Winston Churchill v svoji kandidaturi za ponovno izvolitev poražen. V nekaj urah so Truman, Stalin in Clement Attlee (novi britanski premier spodaj) Japonski izdali opozorilo: predajte se ali trpite "takojšnje in popolno uničenje". Tako kot pri Stalinu tudi atomska bomba ni bila posebej omenjena. Ta "Potsdam Izjava "je pustila cesarjev status nejasen, saj se ni skliceval na kraljevo hišo v delu, ki je Japoncem obljubljalo, da bodo lahko oblikovali svojo novo vlado, dokler bo mirna in bolj demokratična. vendar brez soglasja vojaških voditeljev ni bilo mogoče skleniti miru. Še vedno so ohranili upanje na mir s pogajanji, kjer bi lahko obdržali vsaj nekaj svojih osvajanj ali se vsaj izognili ameriški okupaciji domovine. 29. julija 1945 , so Japonci zavrnili Potsdamsko deklaracijo.

V ameriški zgodovini 20. stoletja verjetno ni bolj kontroverznega vprašanja kot odločitev predsednika Harryja S. Trumana, da atomsko bombo spusti na Japonsko. Mnogi zgodovinarji trdijo, da je bilo treba vojno končati in da je v resnici rešila življenja, tako japonskih kot ameriških, z izogibanjem kopenske invazije na Japonsko, ki bi lahko stala več sto tisoč življenj. Drugi zgodovinarji trdijo, da bi se Japonska predala tudi brez uporabe atomske bombe in da so v resnici Truman in njegovi svetovalci bombo uporabili le zato, da bi ustrašili Sovjetsko zvezo. ZDA so iz prestreženih sporočil med Tokijem in Moskvo vedele, da Japonci iščejo pogojno predati se. Ameriški oblikovalci politike pa niso bili nagnjeni k sprejetju japonske "predaje", ki je pustila vojaško diktaturo nedotaknjeno in ji celo omogočila, da je obdržala nekaj svojih vojnih osvajanj. Poleg tega so si ameriški voditelji želeli čim prej končati vojno. Pomembno si je zapomniti, da julij-avgust 1945 ni bil brezkrvno obdobje pogajanj. Pravzaprav odprtih pogajanj sploh še ni bilo. Konec julija in v začetku avgusta 1945 so ZDA še naprej trpele zaradi žrtev, zlasti zaradi japonskih podmornic in samomorilnih napadov "kamikaze" z uporabo letal in podvezic. (En primer tega je izguba Indianapolis, ki jo je 29. julija potopila japonska podmornica, le nekaj dni po tem, ko je Tinianu dostavil "Little Boy". Od 1.199 posadke je preživelo le 316 mornarjev.) Japonski prebivalci pa so v tem času trpeli veliko bolj. Zračni napadi in pomorsko bombardiranje Japonske so bili vsakodnevni pojav, prvi znaki lakote pa so se že začeli kazati.

Alternativ za spuščanje atomske bombe na japonsko mesto je bilo veliko, le redki vojaški ali politični načrtovalci pa so mislili, da bodo prinesli želeni rezultat, vsaj ne hitro. Verjeli so, da ima šok zaradi hitre serije bombnih napadov najboljše možnosti. Dokaz moči atomske bombe na izoliranem mestu je bila možnost, ki so jo podprli številni projekti Manhattan Project znanstveniki, vendar bi jim japonsko opozorilo na demonstracije omogočilo, da poskušajo prestreči prihajajočega bombnika ali celo premakniti ameriške vojne ujetnike na določeno tarčo. Prav tako, bombo z uranovo pištolo (desno) ni bil nikoli preizkušen. Kakšen bi bil odziv, če bi Združene države opozorile na grozljivo novo orožje, le da bi se izkazalo za neumnega, saj so razbitine samega orožja zdaj v japonskih rokah? Druga možnost je bila čakati na pričakovano prihodnjo sovjetsko vojno razglasitev v upanju, da bi to lahko prepričalo Japonsko, da se brezpogojno preda, vendar sovjetske izjave pričakovali šele sredi avgusta, Truman pa je upal, da se ji ne bo treba "deliti" uprave Japonska s Sovjetsko zvezo. Blokada v kombinaciji z nadaljnjim običajnim bombardiranjem bi lahko sčasoma pripeljala do predaje brez invazije, vendar ni bilo mogoče reči, kako dolgo bo to trajalo, če bo sploh delovalo.

Edina alternativa atomski bombi, za katero so menili, da sta Truman in njegovi svetovalci zagotovo privedli do predaje Japoncev, je bila invazija na japonske domače otoke. Načrti za to so bili že dobro napredovani, začetni iztovarjanje je bilo določeno za jesen in zimo 1945-1946. Nihče ni vedel, koliko življenj bo izgubljenih v invaziji, ameriški, zavezniški in japonski, a nedavni zaseg otoka Okinawa je dal grozljiv namig. Kampanja za zavzemanje malega otoka je trajala več kot deset tednov, boj pa je povzročil smrt več kot 12.000 Američanov, 100.000 Japoncev in morda še 100.000 domačih Okinavcev.

Kot pri mnogih ljudeh je bil Truman šokiran nad ogromnimi izgubami na Okinawi. Poročila ameriških obveščevalnih služb so (pravilno) navedla, da čeprav Japonska ni mogla več smiselno projicirati svoje moči v tujini, je za zadnjo obrambo domovine zadržala vojsko dveh milijonov vojakov in približno 10.000 letal - od tega polovico kamikazov. (Med povojnimi študijami so Združene države izvedele, da so Japonci pravilno predvideli, kje bi v Kyushuju prišlo do prvih pristankov.) Čeprav je Truman upal, da bi atomska bomba lahko dala prednost ZDA v povojni diplomaciji, se je možnost izogniti še enemu letu krvavega boja na koncu je morda najpomembnejše pri njegovi odločitvi, da atomsko bombo spusti na Japonsko.

  • Vojna vstopi v zadnjo fazo, 1945
  • Razprava o tem, kako uporabljati bombo, konec pomladi 1945
  • Test Trojice, 16. julij 1945
  • Varnost in Trojni test, julij 1945
  • Ocene Trojice, julij 1945
  • Potsdam in končna odločitev o bombardiranju, julij 1945
  • Atomsko bombardiranje Hirošime, 6. avgusta 1945
  • Atomsko bombardiranje Nagasakija, 9. avgusta 1945
  • Japonska se predaja, 10-15. Avgusta 1945
  • Projekt Manhattan in druga svetovna vojna, 1939-1945

Prejšnji Naslednji


Vsebina

Trenutni strateški cilji CND so:

  • Odprava britanskega jedrskega orožja in globalna odprava jedrskega orožja. Zavzema se za ukinitev programa Trident s strani britanske vlade in proti uporabi jedrskega orožja v Veliki Britaniji.
  • Odprava orožja za množično uničevanje, zlasti kemičnega in biološkega orožja. CND želi tudi prepoved proizvodnje, preskušanja in uporabe orožja z osiromašenim uranom.
  • Evropa brez jedra, manj militarizirana in bolj varna Evropa. Podpira Organizacijo za varnost in sodelovanje v Evropi (OVSE). Nasprotuje ameriškim vojaškim oporiščem in jedrskemu orožju v Evropi ter britanskemu članstvu v Natu.
  • Zaprtje jedrske industrije. [3]

V zadnjih letih je CND svoje kampanje razširil tako, da je vključeval nasprotovanje ameriški in britanski politiki na Bližnjem vzhodu, namesto da bi svoje protijedrske kampanje v šestdesetih letih razširil na nasprotovanje vietnamski vojni. CND je v sodelovanju s koalicijo Ustavimo vojno in Muslimanskim združenjem Velike Britanije organizirala protivojne pohode pod geslom "Ne napadaj Iraka", vključno s protesti 28. septembra 2002 in 15. februarja 2003. Organizirala je tudi budnico za žrtev bombnih napadov leta 2005 v Londonu.

CND akcije proti projektilu Trident. Marca 2007 je na Parlamentarnem trgu organiziral shod, ki je sovpadel s predlogom skupščine za prenovo orožnega sistema. Zborovanja se je udeležilo več kot 1.000 ljudi. Nagovorili so ga laburistični poslanci Jon Trickett, Emily Thornberry, John McDonnell, Michael Meacher, Diane Abbott in Jeremy Corbyn, ki so glasovali proti obnovi Trident, ter Elfyn Llwyd iz Plaid Cymru in Angus MacNeil iz Škotske nacionalne stranke. V spodnjem domu je 161 poslancev (od tega 88 laburistov) glasovalo proti obnovi Trident, predlog vlade pa je bil podprt le s podporo konservativcev. [4]

Leta 2006 je CND začel kampanjo proti jedrski energiji. Njegovo članstvo, ki je padlo na 32.000 z najvišjih 110.000 v letu 1983, se je trikrat povečalo, potem ko se je premier Tony Blair zavezal jedrski energiji. [5]

CND ima sedež v Londonu in ima nacionalne skupine v Walesu, na Irskem in Škotskem, regionalne skupine v Cambridgeshireu, Cumbriji, East Midlands, Kent, London, Manchester, Merseyside, Mid Somerset, Norwich, South Cheshire in North Staffordshire, Južna Anglija, Južna Zahodna Anglija, Suffolk, Surrey, Sussex, Tyne in Wear, West Midlands in Yorkshire ter lokalne podružnice.

Obstaja pet "specializiranih odsekov": Sindikalni CND, Christian CND, Labor CND, Green CND in Ex-Services CND [6], ki imajo pravice zastopanja v svetu vlade. Obstajajo tudi parlamentarne, mladinske in študentske skupine.

Prvi val: 1957–1963 Uredi

Kampanja za jedrsko razorožitev je bila ustanovljena leta 1957 zaradi razširjenega strahu pred jedrskim spopadom in posledicami jedrskih poskusov. V zgodnjih petdesetih letih je Britanija postala tretja atomska sila, za ZDA in ZSSR, pred kratkim pa je preizkusila tudi H-bombo. [7]

Novembra 1957 je J. B. Priestley napisal članek za Novi državnik reviji "Britanija in jedrske bombe" [8], ki zagovarja enostransko jedrsko razorožitev s strani Velike Britanije. V njem je rekel:

Z drugimi besedami: zdaj, ko je Britanija svetu povedala, da ima H-bombo, bi morala čim prej sporočiti, da je z njo storila, da predlaga v vseh okoliščinah zavrniti jedrsko vojno.

Članek je spodbudil številna pisma podpore in ob koncu meseca urednik Novi državnik, Kingsley Martin, vodil sestanek v prostorih kanonika Johna Collinsa na sodišču Amen za začetek kampanje za jedrsko razorožitev. Collins je bil izbran za predsednika, Bertrand Russell za predsednika, Peggy Duff pa za organizacijskega sekretarja. Drugi člani njegovega izvršnega odbora so bili Martin, Priestley, Ritchie Calder, novinar James Cameron, Howard Davies, Michael Foot, Arthur Goss in Joseph Rotblat. Kampanja se je začela na javnem srečanju v centralni dvorani v Westminsteru 17. februarja 1958 pod vodstvom Collinsa, nagovorili pa so ga Michael Foot, Stephen King-Hall, J. B. Priestley, Bertrand Russell in A. J. P. Taylor. [9] Udeležilo se ga je 5.000 ljudi, nekaj sto jih je po dogodku demonstriralo na Downing Streetu. [10] [11]

Nova organizacija je pritegnila precejšnje zanimanje javnosti in dobila podporo različnih interesov, vključno z znanstveniki, verskimi voditelji, akademiki, novinarji, pisatelji, igralci in glasbeniki. Njegovi sponzorji so bili John Arlott, Peggy Ashcroft, birminghamski škof dr. JL Wilson, Benjamin Britten, vikont Chaplin, Michael de la Bédoyère, Bob Edwards, poslanec, Dame Edith Evans, ASFrere, Gerald Gardiner, QC, Victor Gollancz, dr. Grunfeld, EM Forster, Barbara Hepworth, Patrick Heron, velečasni Trevor Huddleston, sir Julian Huxley, Edward Hyams, škof Llandaff dr Glyn Simon, Doris Lessing, sir Compton Mackenzie, zelo velečasni George McLeod, Miles Malleson, Denis Matthews , Sir Francis Meynell, Henry Moore, John Napper, Ben Nicholson, Sir Herbert Read, Flora Robson, Michael Tippett, risarka 'Vicky', profesorica CH Waddington in Barbara Wootton. [12] Drugi pomembni ustanovni člani CND so bili Fenner Brockway, E. P. Thompson, A. J. P. Taylor, Anthony Greenwood, Jill Greenwood, Lord Simon, D. H. Pennington, Eric Baker in Dora Russell. Organizacije, ki so prej nasprotovale britanskemu jedrskemu orožju, so podpirale CND, vključno z Britanskim odborom za mir, Odborom za neposredno ukrepanje [13], Nacionalnim odborom za odpravo preskusov jedrskega orožja [12] in Kvekerji. [14]

Istega leta sta John de Courcy Ireland in njegova žena Beatrice ustanovila podružnico CND v Republiki Irski z namenom, da za irsko vlado podpreta mednarodna prizadevanja za doseganje jedrske razorožitve in da Irska ne bo jedrska. moč. [15] Med pomembnejšimi podporniki irske CND so bili Peadar O'Donnell, Owen Sheehy-Skeffington in Hubert Butler. [16]

Oblikovanje CND je pomenilo pomembno spremembo v mednarodnem mirovnem gibanju, v katerem je od poznih štiridesetih let prejšnjega stoletja prevladoval Svetovni mirovni svet (WPC), protizahodna organizacija, ki jo je vodila sovjetska komunistična partija. Ker je imela WPC velik proračun in je organizirala odmevne mednarodne konference, se je mirovno gibanje identificiralo s komunističnim vzrokom. [17] CND je predstavljal rast neusklajenega mirovnega gibanja in njegovo odcepitev od WPC.

S splošnimi volitvami leta 1959, za katere se je pričakovalo, da bodo zmagale laburisti, [18] ustanovitelji CND so predvidevali kampanjo uglednih posameznikov, da bi zagotovili vlado, ki bo sprejela njeno politiko: brezpogojno odrekanje uporabi, proizvodnji ali odvisnosti od jedrske energije britanskega orožja in sprejetje splošne konvencije o razorožitvi, ki bi ustavila letenje letal, oboroženih z jedrskim orožjem, ki bi končala jedrska testiranja, ne bi nadaljevala z raketnimi bazami in ne bi dobavila jedrskega orožja nobeni drugi državi. [12]

Na veliko noč leta 1958 je CND po nekaj začetnih zadržkih podprl pohod iz Londona do ustanove za raziskave atomskega orožja v Aldermastonu (razdalja 52 milj), ki ga je organizirala majhna pacifistična skupina, Odbor za neposredno ukrepanje. Nato je CND organiziral letne velikonočne pohode iz Aldermastona v London, ki so postali glavni poudarek dejavnosti privržencev. Na pohodu leta 1959 je sodelovalo 60.000 ljudi, na pohodih 1961 in 1962 pa 150.000 ljudi. [19] [20] Pohod leta 1958 je bil predmet dokumentarnega filma Lindsay Anderson, Marca v Aldermaston.

Simbol, ki ga je sprejel CND in ga je leta 1958 oblikoval Gerald Holtom [12], je postal mednarodni simbol miru. Temelji na simbolih semaforja za "N" (dve zastavi, pritrjeni 45 stopinj navzdol na obeh straneh, ki tvorita trikotnik na dnu) in "D" (dve zastavi, ena nad glavo in ena pri nogah, ki tvorita navpično vrstica) (za jedrsko razorožitev) znotraj kroga. [21] Holtom je kasneje dejal, da predstavlja tudi "posameznika v obupu, z iztegnjenimi dlanmi navzven in navzdol na način Gojinega kmeta pred streljanjem" (čeprav je na tej sliki, Tretji maj 1808, kmet dejansko drži za roke navzgor). [22] Simbol CND, pohod v Aldermastonu in slogan "Prepove bombo" so postali ikoni in del mladinske kulture šestdesetih let.

Podporniki CND so bili na splošno v središču politike. Približno tri četrtine je bilo volivcev laburistov [14], številni predčasni izvršni odbor pa so bili člani laburistične stranke. [12] Etos CND v tistem času je bil opisan kot "v bistvu radikalnost srednjega razreda". [23]

Laburisti so sicer izgubili volitve leta 1959, vendar so na konferenci leta 1960 glasovali za enostransko jedrsko razorožitev, ki je predstavljala največji vpliv CND in sovpadala z najvišjo stopnjo javne podpore njenega programa. [24] The resolution was passed against the wishes of the party's leaders, who refused to be bound by it and proceeded to organise to have it overturned at the next conference. [25] Hugh Gaitskell, the Labour Party leader, promised to "fight, fight, and fight again" against the decision, which was duly overturned at the 1961 Conference. Labour's failure to win the election and its rejection of unilateralism upset CND's plans, and from about 1961 its prospects of success began to fade. It was said that from that time onward it lacked any clear idea of how nuclear disarmament was to be implemented and that its demonstrations had become ends in themselves. [26] The sociologist Frank Parkin said that, for many supporters, the question of implementation was of secondary importance anyway because, for them, involvement in the campaign was "an expressive activity in which the defence of principles was felt to have higher priority than 'getting things done'." [14] He suggested CND's survival in the face of its failure was explained by the fact that it provided "a rallying point and symbol for radicals", which was more important for them than "its manifest function of attempting to change the government's nuclear weapons policy." [14] Despite setbacks, it retained the support of a significant minority of the population and became a mass movement, with a network of autonomous branches and specialist groups and an increased participation in demonstrations until about 1963.

In 1960 Bertrand Russell resigned from the Campaign in order to form the Committee of 100, which became, in effect, the direct action wing of CND. Russell argued that direct action was necessary because the press was losing interest in CND and because the danger of nuclear war was so great that it was necessary to obstruct government preparations for it. [27] In 1958 CND had cautiously accepted direct action as a possible method of campaigning, [12] but, largely under the influence of its chairman, Canon Collins, the CND leadership opposed any sort of unlawful protest. The Committee of 100 was created as a separate organisation partly for that reason and partly because of personal animosity between Collins and Russell. Although the committee was supported by many in CND, it has been suggested [28] that the campaign against nuclear weapons was weakened by the friction between the two organisations. The Committee organised large sit-down demonstrations in London and at military bases. It later diversified into other political campaigns, including Biafra, the Vietnam war and housing in the UK. It was dissolved in 1968. When direct action came to the fore again in the 1980s, it was generally accepted by the peace movement as a normal part of protest. [29]

CND's executive committee did not give its supporters a voice in the Campaign until 1961, when a national council was formed and until 1966 it had no formal membership. The relationship between supporters and leaders was unclear, as was the relationship between the executive and the local branches. The executive committee's lack of authority made possible the inclusion within CND of a wide range of views, but it resulted in lengthy internal discussions and the adoption of contradictory resolutions at conferences. [26] There was friction between the founders, who conceived of CND as a campaign by eminent individuals focused on the Labour Party, and CND's supporters (including the more radical members of the executive committee), who saw it as an extra-parliamentary mass movement. Collins was unpopular with many supporters because of his strictly constitutional approach and found himself increasingly out of sympathy with the direction the movement was taking. [30] He resigned in 1964 and put his energies into the International Confederation for Disarmament and Peace. [31]

The Cuban Missile Crisis in the Autumn of 1962, in which the United States blockaded a Soviet attempt to put nuclear missiles on Cuba, created widespread public anxiety about imminent nuclear war and CND organised demonstrations on the issue. But six months after the crisis, a Gallup Poll found that public concern about nuclear weapons had fallen to its lowest point since 1957, [12] and there was a view (disputed by some CND supporters) [32] that US President John F. Kennedy's success in facing down Soviet premier Nikita Khrushchev turned the British public away from the idea of unilateral nuclear disarmament.

On the 1963 Aldermaston march, a clandestine group calling itself Spies for Peace distributed leaflets about a secret government establishment, RSG 6, that the march was passing. The people behind Spies for Peace remain unknown, except for Nicholas Walter, a leading member of the Committee of 100. [33] The leaflet said that RSG 6 was to be the local HQ for a military dictatorship after nuclear war. A large group left the march, against the wishes of the CND leadership, to demonstrate at RSG 6. Later, when the march reached London, there were disorderly demonstrations in which anarchists were prominent, quickly deprecated in the press and in parliament. [12] In 1964 there was only a one-day march, partly because of the events of 1963 and partly because the logistics of the march, which had grown beyond all expectation, had exhausted the organisers. [10] The Aldermaston March was resumed in 1965.

Support for CND dwindled after the 1963 Test Ban Treaty, one of the things it had been campaigning for. From the mid-1960s, the anti-war movement's preoccupation with the Vietnam War tended to eclipse concern about nuclear weapons but CND continued to campaign against both.

Although CND has never formally allied itself to any political party and has never been an election campaigning body, CND members and supporters have stood for election at various times on a nuclear disarmament ticket. The nearest CND has come to having an electoral arm was the Independent Nuclear Disarmament Election Campaign (INDEC) which stood candidates in a few local elections during the 1960s. INDEC was never endorsed by CND nationally and candidates were generally put up by local branches as a means of raising the profile of the nuclear threat.

The Second Wave: 1980–1983 Edit

In the 1980s, CND underwent a major revival in response to the resurgence of the Cold War. Wave after wave of new members joined as the result of a growing antinuclear movement, the strong motivation of its membership, and criticism of CND objectives by the Thatcher government. [34] There was increasing tension between the superpowers following the deployment of SS20s in the Soviet Bloc countries, American Pershing missiles in Western Europe, and Britain's replacement of the Polaris armed submarine fleet with Trident missiles. [23] The NATO exercise Able Archer 83 also added to international tension.

CND's membership soared in the early 1980s it claimed 90,000 national members and a further 250,000 in local branches. "This made it one of the largest political organisations in Britain and probably the largest peace movement in the world (outside the state-sponsored movements of the communist bloc)." [23] Public support for unilateralism reached its highest level since the 1960s. [35] In October 1981, 250,000 people joined an anti-nuclear demonstration in London. CND's demonstration on the eve of Cruise missile deployment in October 1983 was one of the largest in British history, [23] with 300,000 taking part in London as three million protested across Europe. [36]

Glastonbury Festival played a key cultural role in this period. The festival's long-term campaigning relationships have been with CND (1981–1990), Greenpeace (1992 onwards), and Oxfam (because of its campaigning against the arms trade), as well as the establishment of the Green Fields as a regular and expanding eco-feature of the festival (from 1984 on). The radical peace movement and the rise of the greens in Britain are interwoven at Glastonbury. The festival has offered these campaigns and groups space on-site to publicise and disseminate their ideas, and it has ploughed large sums of money from the festival profits into them, as well as other causes. June 1981 saw the first Glastonbury CND Festival, and over the 1980s as a decade Glastonbury raised around £1m for CND. The CND logo topped Glastonbury's pyramid stage, while publicity regularly proclaimed proudly: 'This Event is the most effective Anti-Nuclear Fund Raiser in Europe’. [37]

New sections were formed, including Ex-services CND, Green CND, Student CND, Tories Against Cruise and Trident (TACT), Trade Union CND, and Youth CND. More women than men supported CND. [10] The campaign attracted supporters who opposed the Government's civil defence plans as outlined in an official booklet, Protect and Survive. This publication was ridiculed in a popular pamphlet, Protest and Survive, by E. P. Thompson, a leading anti-nuclear campaigner of the period.

The British anti-nuclear movement at this time differed from that of the 1960s. Many groups sprang up independently of CND, some affiliating later. CND's previous objection to civil disobedience was dropped and it became a normal part of anti-nuclear protest. The women's movement had a strong influence, much of it emanating from the Greenham Common Women's Peace Camp, [10] followed by Molesworth People's Peace Camp.

A network of protesters, calling itself Cruise Watch, tracked and harassed Cruise missiles whenever they were carried on public roads. After a while, the missiles traveled only at night under police escort.

At its 1982 conference, the Labour Party adopted a policy of unilateral nuclear disarmament. It lost the 1983 general election "in which, following the Falklands war, foreign policy was high on the agenda. Election defeats under, first, Michael Foot, then Neil Kinnock, led Labour to abandon the policy in the late 1980s." [38] The re-election of a Conservative government in 1983 and the defeat of left-wing parties in continental Europe "made the deployment of Cruise missiles inevitable and the movement again began to lose steam." [23]

Membership Edit

Until 1967, supporters joined local branches and there was no national membership. An academic study of CND gives the following membership figures from 1967 onwards: [39]

  • 1967: 1,500
  • 1968: 3,037
  • 1969: 2,173
  • 1970: 2,120
  • 1971: 2,047
  • 1972: 2,389
  • 1973: 2,367
  • 1974: 2,350
  • 1975: 2,536
  • 1976: 3,220
  • 1977: 2,168
  • 1978: 3,220
  • 1979: 4,287
  • 1980: 9,000
  • 1981: 20,000
  • 1982: 50,000

Under Joan Ruddock's chairmanship from 1981 to 1985, CND said its membership rose from 20,000 to 460,000. [40] The BBC said that in 1985 CND had 110,000 members [41] and in 2006, 32,000. [41] The organisation reported a rapid increase in membership after Jeremy Corbyn, a prominent member, became leader of the Labour Party in 2015. [42]

As of 2020, the UK Membership was around 35,000

Opinion polls Edit

As it did not have a national membership until 1967, the strength of public support in its early days can be estimated only from the numbers of those attending demonstrations or expressing approval in opinion polls. Polls on a number of related issues have been taken over the past fifty years.

  • Between 1955 and 1962, between 19% and 33% of people in Britain expressed disapproval of the manufacture of nuclear weapons. [43]
  • Public support for unilateralism in September 1982 was 31%, falling to 21% in January 1983, but it is hard to say whether this decline was a result of the contemporary propaganda campaign against CND or not. [35]
  • Support for CND fell after the end of the Cold war. It had not succeeded in converting the British public to unilateralism and even after the collapse of the Soviet Union British nuclear weapons still have majority support. [35] "Unilateral disarmament has always been opposed by a majority of the British public, with the level of support for unilateralism remaining steady at around one in four of the population." [24][44]
  • In 2005, MORI conducted an opinion poll which asked about attitudes to Trident and the use of nuclear weapons. When asked whether the UK should replace Trident, without being told of the cost, 44% of respondents said "Yes" and 46% said "No". When asked the same question and told of the cost, the proportion saying "Yes" fell to 33% and the proportion saying "No" increased to 54%. [45]
  • In the same poll, MORI asked "Would you approve or disapprove of the UK using nuclear weapons against a country we are at war with?". 9% approved if that country did not have nuclear weapons, and 84% disapproved. 16% approved if that country had nuclear weapons but never used them, and 72% disapproved. 53% approved if that country used nuclear weapons against the UK, and 37% disapproved. [45]
  • CND's policy of opposing American nuclear bases is said to be in tune with public opinion. [23]

On three occasions the Labour Party, when in opposition, has been significantly influenced by CND in the direction of unilateral nuclear disarmament. Between 1960 and 1961 it was official Party policy although the Labour leader Hugh Gaitskell opposed the decision and succeeded in quickly reversing it. In 1980 long time CND supporter Michael Foot became Labour Party leader and in 1982 succeeded in changing official Labour policy in line with his views. After losing the 1983 and 1987 general elections Labour leader Neil Kinnock persuaded the party to abandon unilateralism in 1989. [46] In 2015 another long time CND supporter, Jeremy Corbyn was elected leader of the Labour Party, although the official Labour policy did not change in line with his views. [47]

CND's growing support in the 1980s provoked opposition from several sources, including Peace Through Nato, the British Atlantic Committee (which received government funding), [48] Women and Families for Defence (set up by Conservative journalist and later MP Lady Olga Maitland to oppose the Greenham Common Peace Camp), the Conservative Party's Campaign for Defence and Multilateral Disarmament, the Coalition for Peace through Security, the Foreign Affairs Research Institute, and The 61, a private sector intelligence agency. The British government also took direct steps to counter the influence of CND, Secretary of State for Defence Michael Heseltine setting up Defence Secretariat 19 "to explain to the public the facts about the Government's policy on deterrence and multilateral disarmament". [49] The activities of anti-CND organisations are said to have included research, publication, mobilising public opinion, counter-demonstrations, working within the Churches, smears against CND leaders and spying.

In an article on anti-CND groups, Stephen Dorril reported that in 1982 Eugene V. Rostow, Director of the US Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, became concerned about the growing unilateralist movement. According to Dorril, Rostow helped to initiate a propaganda exercise in Britain, "aimed at neutralising the efforts of CND. It would take three forms: mobilising public opinion, working within the Churches, and a 'dirty tricks' operation against the peace groups." [50]

One of the groups set up to carry out this work was the Coalition for Peace through Security (CPS), modelled on the US Coalition for Peace through Strength. The CPS was founded in 1981. Its main activists were Julian Lewis, Edward Leigh and Francis Holihan. [50] Amongst the activities of the CPS were commissioning Gallup polls [51] which showed the levels of support for British possession of nuclear weapons, providing speakers at public meetings, highlighting the left-wing affiliations of leading CND figures and mounting counter-demonstrations against CND. These including haranguing CND marchers from the roof of the CPS's Whitehall office and flying a plane over a CND festival with a banner reading, "Help the Soviets, Support CND!" [52] The CPS attracted criticism for refusing to say where its funding came from while alleging that the anti-nuclear movement was funded by the Soviet Union. [53] Although the CPS called itself a grass-roots movement, it had no members and was financed by The 61, [52] "a private sector operational intelligence agency" [54] said by its founder, Brian Crozier, to be funded by "rich individuals and a few private companies". [55] It is said to have also received funding from the Heritage Foundation. [56]

The CPS claimed that Bruce Kent, the general secretary of CND and a Catholic priest, was a supporter of IRA terrorism. [52] Kent alleged in his autobiography that Francis Holihan spied on CND. Dorril claimed [50]

that Holihan had organised aerial propaganda, had entered CND offices under false pretences, and that CPS workers had joined CND in order to gain access to the Campaign's 1982 Annual Conference. When Bruce Kent went on a speaking tour of America, Holihan followed him around. Offensive material on Kent was sent to newspapers and radio stations, and demonstrations were organised against him with support from the College Republican Committee.

Gerald Vaughan, a government minister, tried to halve government funding for the Citizens Advice Bureau, apparently because Joan Ruddock, CND's chair, was employed part-time at his local bureau. Bruce Kent was warned by Cardinal Basil Hume not to become too involved in politics.

Some of CND's opponents claimed that CND was a communist or Soviet-dominated organisation, a charge its supporters denied.

In 1981, the Foreign Affairs Research Institute, which shared an office with the CPS, was said by Sanity, the CND newspaper, to have published a booklet claiming that Russian money was being used by CND. [50] Lord Chalfont claimed that the Soviet Union was giving the European peace movement £100 million a year, to which Bruce Kent responded, "If they were, it was certainly not getting to our grotty little office in Finsbury Park." [57] In the 1980s, the Federation of Conservative Students (FCS) claimed that one of CND's elected officers, Dan Smith, was a communist. CND sued for defamation and the FCS settled on the second day of the trial, apologised and paid damages and costs. [58]

The British journalist Charles Moore reported a conversation he had with the Soviet double agent Oleg Gordievsky after the death of leading Labour politician Michael Foot. As editor of the newspaper Tribuna, says Moore, Foot was regularly visited by KGB agents who identified themselves as diplomats and gave him money. "A leading supporter of the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament, Foot . passed on what he knew about debates over nuclear weapons. In return, the KGB gave him drafts of articles encouraging British disarmament which he could then edit and publish, unattributed to their real source, in Tribuna." [59] Foot had received libel damages from the Sunday Times for a similar claim made during his lifetime. [60]

The security service (MI5) carried out surveillance of CND members it considered to be subversive and from the late 1960s until the mid-1970s it designated CND as subversive by virtue of its being "communist-controlled". [61] Communists have played an active role in the organisation, and John Cox, its chairman from 1971 to 1977, was a member of the Communist Party of Great Britain [ potreben citat ] but from the late 1970s, MI5 downgraded CND from "communist-controlled" to "communist-penetrated". [62]

In 1985, Cathy Massiter, an MI5 officer who had been responsible for the surveillance of CND from 1981 to 1983, resigned and made disclosures to a Channel 4 20/20 Vision programme, "MI5's Official Secrets". [63] [64] She said that her work was determined more by the political importance of CND than by any security threat posed by subversive elements within it. In 1983, she analysed telephone intercepts on John Cox that gave her access to conversations with Joan Ruddock and Bruce Kent. MI5 also placed a spy, Harry Newton, in the CND office. According to Massiter, Newton believed that CND was controlled by extreme left-wing activists and that Bruce Kent might be a crypto-communist, but Massiter found no evidence to support either opinion. [61] On the basis of Ruddock's contacts, MI5 suspected her of being a communist sympathiser. Speaking in the House of Commons, Dale Campbell-Savours, MP, said:

it was felt within the service that officers were likely to be questioned about the true political affiliation of Mrs. Joan Ruddock, who became chair of CND in 1983. It was fully recognised by the service that she had no subversive affiliations and therefore should not be recorded under any of the usual subversive categories. In fact, she was recorded as a contact of a hostile intelligence service after giving an interview to a Soviet journalist based in London who was suspected of being a KGB intelligence officer. In Joan Ruddock's file, MI5 recorded special branch references to her movements—usually public meetings—and kept press cuttings and the products of mail and telephone intercepts obtained through active investigation of other targets, such as the Communist party and John Cox. There were police reports recording her appearances at demonstrations or public meetings. There were references to her also in reports from agents working, for example, in the Communist party. These would also appear in her file. [64]

According to Stephen Dorril, at about the same time, Special Branch officers recruited an informant within CND, Stanley Bonnett, on the instructions of MI5. [56] MI5 is also said to have suspected CND's treasurer, Cathy Ashton, of being a communist sympathiser because she shared a house with a communist. [56] When Michael Heseltine became Secretary of State for Defence in 1983, Massiter was asked to provide information for Defence Secretariat 19 (DS19) about leading CND personnel but was instructed to include only information from published sources. Ruddock claims that DS19 released distorted information regarding her political party affiliations to the media and Conservative Party candidates. [65]

MI5 says that it does not now investigate this area. [62]

Brian Crozier claimed in his book Free Agent: The Unseen War 1941–1991 (Harper Collins, 1993) that The 61 infiltrated a mole into CND in 1979. [56]

In 1990, it was discovered in the archive of the Stasi (the state security service of the former German Democratic Republic) that a member of CND's governing council, Vic Allen, had passed information to them about CND. This discovery was made public in a BBC TV programme in 1999, reviving debate about Soviet links to CND. Allen stood against Joan Ruddock for the leadership of CND in 1985, but was defeated. Ruddock responded to the Stasi revelations by saying that Allen "certainly had no influence on national CND, and as a pro-Soviet could never have succeeded to the chair," and that "CND was as opposed to Soviet nuclear weapons as Western ones." [66] [67]


Civil Defense

In response to this threat, the government encouraged the American public to build fallout shelters in case of a nuclear attack. In a 1961 radio address, President Kennedy asserted, “In the event of an attack, the lives of those families which are not hit in a nuclear blast and fire can still be saved - if they can be warned to take shelter and if that shelter is available. We owe that kind of insurance to our families - and to our country.” The government also created numerous short civil defense films. To watch one such film from 1963, click here.

The government also instituted civil defense training for children. Although it predated the age of fallout, Duck and Cover (1952) featured the animated cartoon of “Bert the Turtle,” an icon of the civil defense era. Children practiced “duck and cover” exercises regularly in school. As activist Todd Gitlin remembered:

Every so often, out of the blue, a teacher would pause in the middle of class and call out, “Take cover!” We knew, then, to scramble under our miniature desks and to stay there, cramped, heads folded under our arms, until the teacher called out, “All clear!” Who knew what to believe? Under the desks and crouched in the hallways, terrors were ignited, existentialists were made. Whether or not we believed that hiding under a school desk or in a hallway was really going to protect us from the furies of an atomic blast, we could never quite take for granted that the world we had been born into was destined to endure. (109)

Civil defense also made its way to Hollywood. During a Cabinet meeting in December 1961, Leo Hoegh, the federal administrator of civil defense, criticized On the Beach as “very harmful because it produced a feeling of utter hopelessness, thus undermining OCDM’s [Office of Civil Defense Management] efforts to encourage preparedness.” State Department and U.S. Information Agency analysis added that its “strong emotional appeal for banning nuclear weapons could conceivably lead audiences to think in terms of radical solutions rather than practical safeguarded disarmament measures” (Fallout, 110).

The U.S. government preferred Hollywood films such as Panic in the Year Zero (1962). In the movie, the Baldwin family is going on a trip when they see strange flashes of light and then hear via CONELRAD (CONtrol of ELectronic RADiation, the emergency broadcast system used during this era) that Los Angeles has been bombed. Harry, the father, knows what to do in this emergency. He gathers supplies quickly, gets off the road, and keeps his family safe. At the end, the family is stopped by men with machine guns who turn out to be the U.S. military. “Thank God! It’s the Army!” declares Harry.


An “open world”

Early on during his exile, Bohr became convinced that the existence of the bomb would “not only seem to necessitate but should also, due to the urgency of mutual confidence, facilitate a new approach to the problems of international relationship.” The first step toward avoiding a postwar nuclear arms race would be to inform the ally in the war, the Soviet Union, of the project. Bohr set out on a solitary campaign, during which he even succeeded in obtaining personal interviews with British Prime Minister Winston Churchill and U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt. He was unable to convince either of them of his viewpoint, however, instead being suspected by Churchill of spying for the Russians. After the war, Bohr persisted in his mission for what he called an “open world” between nations, continuing his confidential contact with statesmen and writing an open letter to the United Nations in 1950.

Bohr was allowed to return home only after the atomic bomb had been dropped on Japan in August 1945. In Denmark he was greeted as a hero, some newspapers even welcoming him with pride as the Dane who had invented the atomic bomb. He continued to run and expand his institute, and he was central in postwar institution building for physics. On a national scale, he took a major part in establishing the research facility at Risø, near Roskilde, only a few miles outside Copenhagen, created in order to prepare the introduction of nuclear power in Denmark, which, however, has never occurred. Internationally, he took part in the establishment of CERN, the European experimental particle physics facility near Geneva, Switzerland, as well as of the Nordic Institute for Atomic Physics (Nordita) adjacent to his institute. Bohr left behind an unsurpassed scientific legacy, as well as an institute that remains one of the leading centres for theoretical physics in the world.


When did enscribing messages on bombs first happen? - Zgodovina

Pearl Harbor, Hawaii, Sunday, December 7, 1941

Aboard a Japanese carrier before the attack on Pearl Harbor, crew members cheer departing pilots. Below: A photo taken from a Japanese plane during the attack shows vulnerable American battleships, and in the distance, smoke rising from Hickam Airfield where 35 men having breakfast in the mess hall were killed after a direct bomb hit.

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Above: The USS Shaw explodes during the Japanese air raid. Below Left: The battleship USS Arizona after a bomb penetrated into the forward magazine causing massive explosions and killing 1,104 men. Below Right: Dousing the flames on the battleship USS West Virginia, which survived and was rebuilt.

Sequence of Events

Saturday, December 6 - Washington D.C. - U.S. President Franklin Roosevelt makes a final appeal to the Emperor of Japan for peace. There is no reply. Late this same day, the U.S. code-breaking service begins intercepting a 14-part Japanese message and deciphers the first 13 parts, passing them on to the President and Secretary of State. The Americans believe a Japanese attack is imminent, most likely somewhere in Southeast Asia.

Sunday, December 7 - Washington D.C. - The last part of the Japanese message, stating that diplomatic relations with the U.S. are to be broken off, reaches Washington in the morning and is decoded at approximately 9 a.m. About an hour later, another Japanese message is intercepted. It instructs the Japanese embassy to deliver the main message to the Americans at 1 p.m. The Americans realize this time corresponds with early morning time in Pearl Harbor, which is several hours behind. The U.S. War Department then sends out an alert but uses a commercial telegraph because radio contact with Hawaii is temporarily broken. Delays prevent the alert from arriving at headquarters in Oahu until noontime (Hawaii time) four hours after the attack has already begun.

Sunday, December 7 - Islands of Hawaii, near Oahu - The Japanese attack force under the command of Admiral Nagumo, consisting of six carriers with 423 planes, is about to attack. At 6 a.m., the first attack wave of 183 Japanese planes takes off from the carriers located 230 miles north of Oahu and heads for the U.S. Pacific Fleet at Pearl Harbor.

Pearl Harbor - At 7:02 a.m., two Army operators at Oahu's northern shore radar station detect the Japanese air attack approaching and contact a junior officer who disregards their reports, thinking they are American B-17 planes which are expected in from the U.S. west coast.

Near Oahu - At 7:15 a.m., a second attack wave of 167 planes takes off from the Japanese carriers and heads for Pearl Harbor.

Pearl Harbor is not on a state on high alert. Senior commanders have concluded, based on available intelligence, there is no reason to believe an attack is imminent. Aircraft are therefore left parked wingtip to wingtip on airfields, anti-aircraft guns are unmanned with many ammunition boxes kept locked in accordance with peacetime regulations. There are also no torpedo nets protecting the fleet anchorage. And since it is Sunday morning, many officers and crewmen are leisurely ashore.

At 7:53 a.m., the first Japanese assault wave, with 51 'Val' dive bombers, 40 'Kate' torpedo bombers, 50 high level bombers and 43 'Zero' fighters, commences the attack with flight commander, Mitsuo Fuchida, sounding the battle cry: "Tora! Tora! Tora!" (Tiger! Tiger! Tiger!).

The Americans are taken completely by surprise. The first attack wave targets airfields and battleships. The second wave targets other ships and shipyard facilities. The air raid lasts until 9:45 a.m. Eight battleships are damaged, with five sunk. Three light cruisers, three destroyers and three smaller vessels are lost along with 188 aircraft. The Japanese lose 27 planes and five midget submarines which attempted to penetrate the inner harbor and launch torpedoes.

Escaping damage from the attack are the prime targets, the three U.S. Pacific Fleet aircraft carriers, Lexington, Enterprise and Saratoga, which were not in the port. Also escaping damage are the base fuel tanks.

The casualty list includes 2,335 servicemen and 68 civilians killed, with 1,178 wounded. Included are 1,104 men aboard the B attleship USS Arizona killed after a 1,760-pound air bomb penetrated into the forward magazine causing catastrophic explosions.

In Washington, various delays prevent the Japanese diplomats from presenting their war message to Secretary of State, Cordell Hull, until 2:30 p.m. (Washington time) just as the first reports of the air raid at Pearl Harbor are being read by Hull.

News of the "sneak attack" is broadcast to the American public via radio bulletins, with many popular Sunday afternoon entertainment programs being interrupted. The news sends a shockwave across the nation and results in a tremendous influx of young volunteers into the U.S. armed forces. The attack also unites the nation behind the President and effectively ends isolationist sentiment in the country.

Monday, December 8 - The United States and Britain declare war on Japan with President Roosevelt calling December 7, "a date which will live in infamy. & quot

Thursday, December 11 - Germany and Italy declare war on the United States. The European and Southeast Asian wars have now become a global conflict with the Axis powers Japan, Germany and Italy, united against America, Britain, France, and their Allies.

Wednesday, December 17 - Admiral Chester W. Nimitz becomes the new commander of the U.S. Pacific Fleet.

Both senior commanders at Pearl Harbor Navy Admiral Husband E. Kimmel, and Army Lt. General Walter C. Short, were relieved of their duties following the attack. Subsequent investigations will fault the men for failing to adopt adequate defense measures.

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(Photo credits: U.S. National Archives)

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Fission

The isotopes uranium-235 and plutonium-239 were selected by the atomic scientists because they readily undergo fission. Fission occurs when a neutron strikes the nucleus of either isotope, splitting the nucleus into fragments and releasing a tremendous amount of energy. The fission process becomes self-sustaining as neutrons produced by the splitting of atom strike nearby nuclei and produce more fission. This is known as a chain reaction and is what causes an atomic explosion.

When a uranium-235 atom absorbs a neutron and fissions into two new atoms, it releases three new neutrons and some binding energy. Two neutrons do not continue the reaction because they are lost or absorbed by a uranium-238 atom. However, one neutron does collide with an atom of uranium-235, which then fissions and releases two neutrons and some binding energy. Both of those neutrons collide with uranium-235 atoms, each of which fission and release between one and three neutrons, and so on. This causes a nuclear chain reaction. For more on this topic, see Nuclear Fission.


Oklahoma City bombing

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Oklahoma City bombing, terrorist attack in Oklahoma City, Oklahoma, U.S., on April 19, 1995, in which a massive homemade bomb composed of more than two tonnes of ammonium nitrate fertilizer and fuel oil concealed in a rental truck exploded, heavily damaging the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building. A total of 168 people were killed, including 19 children, and more than 500 were injured. The building was later razed, and a park was built on the site. The bombing remained the deadliest terrorist assault on U.S. soil until the attacks on the World Trade Center in New York City and the Pentagon outside Washington, D.C., in 2001. (Glej September 11 attacks.)

Although at first suspicion wrongly focused on Middle Eastern terrorist groups, attention quickly centred on Timothy McVeigh—who had been arrested shortly after the explosion for a traffic violation—and his friend Terry Nichols. Both were former U.S. Army soldiers and were associated with the extreme right-wing and militant Patriot movement. Two days after the bombing and shortly before he was to be released for his traffic violation, McVeigh was identified and charged as a suspect, and Nichols later voluntarily surrendered to police. McVeigh was convicted on 11 counts of murder, conspiracy, and using a weapon of mass destruction and was executed in 2001—the first person executed for a federal crime in the United States since 1963. Nichols avoided the death penalty but was convicted of conspiracy and eight counts of involuntary manslaughter and sentenced to life in prison. Other associates were convicted of failing to inform authorities about their prior knowledge of the conspiracy, and some observers believed that still other participants were involved in the attack.

Although McVeigh and Nichols were not directly connected with any major political group, they held views characteristic of the broad Patriot movement, which feared authoritarian plots by the U.S. federal government and corporate elites. At its most extreme, the Patriot movement denied the legitimacy of the federal government and law enforcement. One manifestation of the rightist upsurge was the formation of armed militia groups, which, according to some sources, claimed a national membership of about 30,000 by the mid-1990s. The militias justified their existence by claiming a right to armed self-defense against an allegedly oppressive government. In this context, the date of the Oklahoma City attack was doubly significant, falling on two notable anniversaries. April 19 marked both Patriots’ Day, the anniversary of the American rebellion against British authority at Lexington, Massachusetts, in 1775, and the date on which federal agents brought the Waco siege to a culmination by raiding the compound of the heavily armed Branch Davidian religious sect in Waco, Texas, in 1993. McVeigh claimed that the building in Oklahoma City was targeted to avenge the more than 70 deaths at Waco. Following the Oklahoma City attack, media and law enforcement officials began intense investigations of the militia movement and other armed extremist groups.

Speaking at a nationally televised memorial service in Oklahoma City a few days after the attack, U.S. Pres. Bill Clinton said, in part,

To all my fellow Americans beyond this hall, I say, one thing we owe those who have sacrificed is the duty to purge ourselves of the dark forces which gave rise to this evil. They are forces that threaten our common peace, our freedom, our way of life.

Let us teach our children that the God of comfort is also the God of righteousness. Those who trouble their own house will inherit the wind. Justice will prevail.

A chain-link fence that was erected shortly after the bombing to protect the site soon became a makeshift memorial to those killed in the incident and was festooned with condolence messages, poems, and countless other mementos. That fence became part of the permanent Outdoor Symbolic Memorial (which also includes a reflecting pool and a field of 168 empty chairs) that was dedicated in 2000. A year later the museum portion of Oklahoma City National Memorial and Museum was opened.


East African Embassy Bombings

On August 7, 1998, nearly simultaneous bombs blew up in front of the American embassies in Nairobi, Kenya, and Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. Two hundred and twenty-four people died in the blasts, including 12 Americans, and more than 4,500 people were wounded.

In the aftermath of the attacks, over 900 FBI agents alone—and many more FBI employees—traveled overseas to assist in the recovery of evidence and the identification of victims at the bomb sites and to track down the perpetrators.

These attacks were soon directly linked to al Qaeda. To date, more than 20 people have been charged in connection with the bombings. Several of these individuals—including Usama bin Laden—have been killed. Six are serving life sentences in U.S. prison, and a few others are awaiting trial.

The KENBOM and TANBOM investigations—as the FBI calls them—represented at that time the largest deployment in Bureau history. They led to ramped up anti-terror efforts by the United States and by the FBI, including an expanded Bureau overseas presence that can quickly respond to acts of terrorism that involve Americans.

The investigation continues, with the following fugitives still wanted for their alleged roles in the attacks:


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