Švedska in španska državljanska vojna

Švedska in španska državljanska vojna



We are searching data for your request:

Forums and discussions:
Manuals and reference books:
Data from registers:
Wait the end of the search in all databases.
Upon completion, a link will appear to access the found materials.

§1. Če poskušamo z darili, plačilom ali obljubami o povračilu ali na kakršen koli podoben način ali z grožnjo ali zlorabo višjega ranga prisiliti koga v vojno službo v Španiji, kjer ga v skladu s splošnim pravom ne obsodijo na zapor do 6 mesecev ali denarna kazen.

§2. Če se švedski državljan vpiše na vojno službo v Španijo, se kaznuje z zaporom do 6 mesecev ali denarno kaznijo.

§3. Vstopnice, katerih namen je potovanje v Španijo ali skozi njo, je mogoče prodati le tistemu, ki je prejel posebno dovoljenje za potovanje v Španijo prek svojega veličanstva ali preko urada, ki ga je pooblastilo njegovo veličanstvo, ali tujim državljanom, ki pripadajo njegovemu veličanstvu. Deželna država, ki jo je urad za avtorizacijo v tej državi pooblastil za potovanje v Španijo. Če kdo krši odločeno, mu grozi zapor do 6 mesecev ali denarna kazen.

§4. O švedskih ladjah, namenjenih v Španijo: poveljnikova dolžnost je: poskrbeti, da ladja ne sprejme nobenega potnika, namenjenega v Španijo, ki nima dovoljenja, omenjenega v §3, ali brez ovir po § 5, drugi oddelek Seaman's zakon in §10 zakona o delovnem času pomorščakov; prepovejo izkrcanje posadke v Španiji, razen če to zahteva storitev; in poskrbeti, da se katera koli druga oseba, ki potuje skupaj, ne odpravi v Španijo, razen če ima dovoljenje, omenjeno v §3. Če poveljnik zanemari ta odstavek, se kaznuje z denarno kaznijo.

§5. V zvezi s švedskimi ladjami, namenjenimi v Španijo, ima njegovo veličanstvo pooblastilo, da zahteva, da se ladja vkrca iz določenega pristanišča, da dovoli vkrcavanje ali vkrcanje posebnemu pooblaščenemu nadzornemu uradniku, in da se zgoraj omenjenemu nadzorniku dovoli, da gre skupaj z ladjo in , kot je podrobno urejeno, nadzira tovor in potnike, poveljnik pa je dolžan dovoliti preiskavo vojnih ladij iz države, ki jo je navedlo njegovo veličanstvo, če je na krovu nadzornik. Če poveljnik zanemari ta odstavek, se kaznuje z denarno kaznijo.

§6. Kar se v tem zakonu nanaša na Španijo, se nanaša tudi na špansko posest in špansko območje Maroka

§7. Če je bila kršitev §2 storjena zunaj Švedske, ne glede na to, kar je navedeno v poglavju 1, §1 kazenskega zakonika, se lahko kršitev preganja tukaj na Švedskem. Pregon bi moral v takem primeru izvesti na občinskem sodišču v Stockholmu. Pravni primeri sodišča o kršitvi §4 in §5, kot je navedeno v zakonu Seaman §89, bi morali imeti enako veljavo. Druge kršitve tega zakona, razen tiste, ki je zdaj omenjena, bi bilo treba preganjati na skupnem sodišču. Pregon izvaja skupni tožilec.

§8. Globe, naložene po tem zakonu, bi morale pasti na krono. Če sredstev za plačilo globe manjka, jih je treba pretvoriti v skladu s splošno zakonodajo.

§9. Njegovo veličanstvo bi moralo obvestiti potrebne določbe o uporabi tega zakona.

Potovanje v Španijo je organizirala Komunistična partija, vsi stroški so bili plačani. Izvajali so ga posebni fantje, fantje s stiki. To je bilo treba storiti diskretno. Nikoli nismo rekli, da gremo v Španijo, samo da gremo stran.

Na silvestrovo je moja skupina zapustila Stockholm. Nedvomno je bila velika skupina politično aktivnih ljudi med nami mladinski komunisti. Verjamem pa, da večina tistih, ki so odšli v Španijo, ni pripadala nobeni politični stranki. Zaposlovanje - če bi morali uporabiti takšno besedo - je potekalo tako, da so se fantje iz Söderja (južni Stockholm) in tu in tam med mornarji začeli pogovarjati o Španiji, kadar koli bi se srečali. Veliko jadralcev bi šlo na kopno v španskih pristaniščih. Rekel bi, da smo Skandinavci dosledno vztrajali pri teoriji, da smo predvsem antifašisti. Z gotovostjo smo trdili, da se v Španiji borimo tudi za svojo državo, za našo demokracijo. Hkrati smo vedeli, da bi to lahko bil začetek nove svetovne vojne. In na nas je bilo, da to preprečimo. To je bilo tako jasno v radikalnem gibanju na Švedskem. Lahko smo jo brali med vrsticami in slišali jo bomo na predavanjih - bili smo na pragu nove vojne.

Če bi postavili sidro v Španiji, bi že vzletel. Šli pa smo le v druga sredozemska pristanišča - nato pa domov. Odjavil sem se domov v Göteborgu. Po tem sem približno mesec in pol delal v ladjedelnici Eriksberg. Potem so me odpustili. Konec leta so večino ljudi odpustili, da bi prihranili denar, nato pa bi jih spet prevzeli. Ampak to ni razlog, da sem odšel v Španijo. V mojih dneh so me odpustili z veliko delovnih mest. Sixtena in Rolfa Aronssona sem spoznal v Interclubu in mednarodnem jadralskem klubu, ki je obstajal po vsem svetu. Pogovarjali smo se o Španiji. Potem smo odšli.

Skupina, s katero sem odšel, je bila prva, ki je hodila čez Pireneje, saj je bila meja zaprta. Štiri tedne smo bili v Parizu. In potem v majhni vasici bližje španski meji. Tam smo se cel teden skrivali pri družini, enem Nemcu in štirih Švedih. Na prostem nismo smeli. Potem so neke noči prišli po nas in lahko smo nadaljevali. Nekaj ​​kilometrov od Perpignana smo srečali kup Američanov. Najprej smo se odpeljali z avtobusom, dokler nismo bili na robu Perpignana. Potem se je pripeljal kup taksijev. Morali smo skočiti vanje, le nekaj nas naenkrat. Ko smo skoraj prišli do železniškega mostu v Perpignanu, smo morali skočiti - medtem ko so se vozili počasi. Potem smo se morali plaziti čez most. Ko smo prišli na drugo stran, smo videli nekaj mejnih straž, ki pa so izginili. Zdelo se je kot nekakšno sodelovanje. Dobili smo vodnika. Ne vem, ali je bil Francoz ali Španec. A smo hodili vso noč po gorah.

Prva fronta, na katero sem prišel, je bila Guadalajara. Želel sem prej priti v boj, vendar sem moral ubogati svoje ukaze. Najprej je bilo nekaj vrtanja. Bil sem v bataljonu Thälmann - ne pa v tretji skandinavski četi - v enajsti četi. Tam so bili Švedi, Nemci in Danci. Takrat je bil za vse zadolžen Herman Wohlin. Nisi toliko razmišljal. Pravkar ste bili tam. In Herman, bil je kot oče vseh. Toda poveljnik čete je bil stotnik Zeokila Anton.

Ko smo kot novinci prišli v Guadalajaro, so nas dali v rezervo. Puške nam ni uspelo držati niti enkrat, ko smo ležali v nasadih oljk. Morali ste čakati, da nekoga ubijejo. Potem bi mu lahko vzeli pištolo. Imeli ste uniformo in jekleno čelado. Prvih nekaj dni ... bilo je tako razburljivo. Sanjali ste ... vendar si niste mogli predstavljati, kako bo. Edino pravilo je bilo: naredite sami. Če bi želeli, bi lahko igrali junaka in zagotovo nikoli ne bi pokazali, da ste prestrašeni. Bilo je samo hoditi naravnost.

Razmere so bile slabe, predvsem higiena, vendar se je pozneje izboljšalo. Bili smo nastanjeni v bikoborbi. V garderobah, biklavcih ... so povsod postavili postelje. Uporabili smo tudi staro vojašnico Guardia Civil. Vse lokacije so bile enako slabe. Najslabše je bilo stranišče. Moral si gnečati, stati in se posrati v odtok. Včasih si nisi mogel pomagati, vendar si stopil v iztrebke in si nekaj nabral. Vsako jutro ga je bilo veliko. Bila je polna gneča, ko je želelo vstopiti na tisoče ljudi, nato pa je ... ob desetih in enajstih prišel nekdo, ki je nalival apno, preden so odnesli sranje. Toda včasih je ostalo več dni. Tako je grozno dišalo. In ko je deževalo in tako naprej in blato ... Vse je bilo pod in okoli belil. Tudi mastne hrane nismo bili vajeni. Zdelo se je, da imajo nekateri ljudje grižo, saj so ves čas tekali. Ja, grozno je bilo, preden so se navadili na vino, hrano in oljčno olje. Sprva skoraj bruhate. Ampak je minilo. Potem ste jedli, dokler ste bili lačni.

Ker sem prejel spričevalo o splošni izobrazbi, sem govoril malo nemško. Zato sem bil postavljen kot redar v štab bataljona, da vzdržujem stike s skandinavsko četo. V Morata de Tajuna smo prišli ponoči. To je bilo malo mesto tik za frontno črto. Imeli pa smo nekaj težav s komunikacijo. Moja nemščina ni bila dovolj dobra. Naslednje jutro, ko je četa odkorakala proti bojišču, so me pozabili v štabu štaba. Nenadoma sem bil sam z nadporednikom Hermanom Wohlinom iz Gävle. Potem je prišel bombni napad, ki je uničil Morata. Okna, stene ... vse je bilo razstreljeno. Imeli smo dovolj časa, da smo stekli v klet. Tudi naša kuhinja je bila bombardirana, vendar je bil tovornjak, kuharski vagon, še vedno uporaben. Toda kasneje smo ga odpeljali spredaj. Prišli smo v štab brigade. Tam smo vprašali, kje bi našli bataljon Thälmann. Rekli so nam, da gremo levo. Tako sem hodil med hribi in oljkami. Nisem pa našel naših fantov. Namesto tega sem naletel na bataljon Dimitroff s fanti iz balkanskih držav. Ko sem napredoval, sem sledil Bolgarom in Romunom. Takrat sem slišal prve zvoke od spredaj. Slišati je bilo, kot da bi nekdo udaril po strehi ali kot hrup iz mizarske delavnice. Prišlo je do doslednega kladiva. Rekli so, da je Thälmann na njihovem desnem boku. Tako sem se pomaknil desno in končno prišel do Thälmannovega levega boka. Prvi, ki sem ga videl, je bil nemški bataljonski častnik. Mislim, da je vodil prvo četo. Ime mu je bilo Willi in hodil je naravnost skozi dež krogel. Nikoli se ni vrgel na tla, samo hodil je naokoli, naravnost in visok, pokazal s palico in poveljeval svojim možem naprej. Zdelo se je, kot da sploh ni opazil vseh krogel, ki so letele okoli njega. Navajen je bil, saj se je boril v prvi svetovni vojni. Toda kasneje je bil ubit. Rekel mi je, naj nadaljujem proti desnemu boku bataljona, ker so tam bili Skandinavci.

Večina prebivalcev Barcelone je bila zbrana okoli velike ulice Diagonal. Mislim, da je bilo tam milijon ljudi. Mesto so mesece bombardirali vsako uro. Toda tokrat so republikanska letala bila v zraku in patruljirala. Prišlo je do parade vojakov. Tam so bili "karabinerosi" v njihovih zelenih uniformah, Guardia Nacional in različne frakcije iz vojske, tankovskih čet ... medtem ko so zračne sile bruhale od zgoraj. Nato so prišle mednarodne enote, naravnost od spredaj, v svojih oropanih vojaških hlačah in srajcah, ki sploh niso bile tako negovane kot ostale s prve črte. Potem pa je množica divjala. Ljudje so navijali in kričali. Ženske so pripeljale svoje otroke in jih izročile vojakom v mednarodni brigadi. Želeli so jim dati najboljše, kar so imeli. To je bil fantastičen prizor.

Vročina je bila neopisljiva. Toda Španci so me naučili, kako obvladati žejo. Moral bi imeti pomaranče. Ne jedo pomaranč kot mi, sesajo sok. Slišal sem za ljudi, ki so ves čas pili vino. To ne bo potešilo vaše žeje. To je norost - kot bi v vročem dnevu popil lager. Tako boste postali še bolj žejni. Tudi meni je kar dobro uspelo, saj nikoli nisem slekel oblačil. Videl sem Mavre. Ujeli bi Mavre. Španci so bili Mavra do smrti prestrašeni, saj so bili znani po svojih brutalnih metodah mučenja. Ampak bili so odlični streli! In si lahko predstavljate: nosili so velike kapuce in klobuke. In debela oblačila. To je metoda. To je način, kako to storiti. Tako ste dobro zaščiteni pred soncem. Našel bi janke, ki so si strgali srajce. Imeli so sončni udar in jim običajno ni bilo mogoče pomagati. Pili bi vodo kot še nikoli doslej. Nikoli nisem pil vode.

Bataljon Lincoln je tisti dan izgubil veliko ljudi. Postaja prve pomoči je bila v majhni zapuščeni hiši za gozdovi. Čez dan so dvignili zastave Rdečega križa. Povedali so mi, da je tam tudi pol ducata zdravnikov.

Ko je padla noč, je prišel poveljnik bataljona, polkovnik Merriman, profesor na univerzi v Los Angelesu. Rekel mi je, naj vzamem nekaj telefonskih fantov in grem po moža, ki je cel dan ležal ranjen in kričal - nekaj sto metrov pred nami na ravnici. Ob poti smo ležali v majhni depresiji. Vendar je bilo težko koga pripeljati z mano.

Rekli so, da nas bodo morali ustreliti, preden gremo ven. Izčrpani smo!

No, morate, sem jim rekel.

Končno sem imel s sabo dva fanta. Šli smo ven in ranjenika odnesli nazaj. Nosila sta nosila zelo negotovo, saj sta bila popolnoma obrabljena. Potem je k nam prišel zdravnik. Mislim, da je imel otrok v sebi kakšnih šest ali sedem krogelnih ran. Mavri so bili nameščeni v okolici mesta in so streljali na vse, kar se je premaknilo. Mogoče je otrok vsake toliko mahal z rokami.

Fašisti so še vedno imeli nadzor nad cerkvijo v Belchiteju. Verjetno so bili tam podzemni prehodi, ker so nekateri naši fantje nenadoma padli, ustreljeni, medtem ko so hodili po ulicah nekaj sto metrov od cerkve. Zdelo se je, kot da so fašisti prilezli skozi prehode. Prav tako je bila na hribu obdana Frankova družba. Ne vem, če so fašisti sami imeli kakšno pozicijo v gorah, ker nisem nikoli šel od blizu pogledat. Toda naokrog so tekli oklepni jarki, ki so jih izkopali. Merriman mi je dal ukaz, naj vodim žico, dolgo eno in pol ali morda dva kilometra. Kabla je bilo komaj dovolj. Žico smo morali speljati skozi nekatere jarke, ki so jih fašisti opustili. Tam bi moral postaviti opazovalnico. Prišle smo v rov, nastavile telefon in se pogovarjale s polkovnikom. Rekel je:- Zdaj bodo tanki napadli. Toda najprej bomo s topništvom streljali na hrib.

"Tukaj je vse pripravljeno" sem rekel. Rovi, v katerih smo ležali, niso bili oddaljeni največ dvesto metrov od zemeljskih del okoli hriba, pečine ali kakorkoli bi ji že rekli. Imel sem periskop. Ko sem pogledal skozi to, sem včasih videl glave in roke fantov na drugi strani. Prva granata iz našega topništva je zadela sam vrh hriba. Po vplivu so me vprašali po telefonu.

"Moraš znižati cilj," sem rekel. Naslednja granata je eksplodirala deset metrov za mano.

"To je noro." Sem rekel. Morate ga spet dvigniti.

"Končali bomo v minuti," so dejali.

Videl sem, kako tanki napredujejo iz dveh različnih smeri. Zvok streljanja je bil oglušujoč. Potem sem videl, kako se iz fašističnih jarkov dviga bela zastava, in takoj sem poklical.

"Zdaj ... odnehajo, sem rekel. Tako da lahko zdaj nehaš. Z bombardiranjem."

Toda najtežji del je bil, da so me fantje zapustili. Bil sem sam. Tam ni bilo pešcev ali karkoli drugega. Cela fašistična skupina je prišla iz svojih rovov. Hodili so po hribu navzdol naravnost po moji poti. Bil sem neoborožen. Imel sem en revolver, vendar je bil revolver, ki sem ga vzel od mrtvega italijanskega častnika. V njem ni bilo streliva, čeprav je tam visilo v kuburi. Moral sem zapustiti jamo, iti gor in se srečati s fašisti. Videli so, da moja futrola ni prazna.

Pokazal sem na tla in jim pokazal, kako naj svoje pištole položijo na kup. Tam je bil ... Bil je mlad fant. Več kot polovica njegove roke je bila ustreljena. Prstov ni ostalo. Nekatere stvari.

Zunaj jarkov sta ležala dva rezervoarja vina. Ujetniki so se vrgli čez te lesene sode, jih zlomili in vse popili. Zaradi njihove žeje po vodi ... ki jih je takrat skoraj ubila. Zadnji so bili trije častniki. Kričali so ukaze in četa je stala v formaciji. Pokazal sem na cerkev. Tako naj bi šli. Toda hkrati so prišle naše patrulje in se odpravile z njimi. Imel sem petnajst ali dvajset mož, s katerimi sem imel opravka. Nevem. Kadarkoli bi me lahko ustrelili.

Pred ofenzivo na Ebru nisem bil nikoli v nobeni bitki. Maja sem na Ebro posnel nekaj strelov, a to komaj šteje. Nato smo v noči na 25. julij veslali čez reko v čolnih. Ko smo prišli na drugo stran, so nas streljali. Skočil sem iz čolna. Lahko bi stal na dnu. Nameraval sem streljati, a v puški je bilo vode in sem moral hitro odstraniti vijak, da se posuši. Potem sem ustrelil nekaj krogov in vrgel granato v klanec. Toda takrat je švedsko podjetje že prodrlo. Hiteli smo naprej. Na položajih ob reki ni ostalo fašistov, pustili pa so veliko stvari, na primer pasove za strelivo in usnjene torbe. Mi nismo imeli nič takega. Strelivo sem nosil v hlačah, ki so bile sešite skupaj. Najprej smo uporabili ruske puške, kasneje pa so jih zamenjali za češke karabine. Poljaki so dobili ruske puške, da bi imelo vsako podjetje enotno opremo. Ofenziva se je nadaljevala. Ne spomnite se vsega. Spominjam pa se skandinavskega hriba smrti na Corberi.

Nekega jutra smo šli na nevihto. Napredovali smo proti fašističnim položajem, a ob strani naleteli na močno obrambo. Prejeli smo nasprotna naročila. Morali smo se umakniti na prvotne položaje. Skupaj z Dancem sem bil zadolžen za strojnico. Ko smo prišli na svoje položaje, je imel v hrbtu rikošet. Odtrgal je majhen kos mesa. Dal mi je strojnico in rekel: "Adijo, tovariš! Zaključil sem."

Potegnil sem mu srajco, da bi pogledal. Ni bilo tako hudo. Rana je močno krvavela, vendar smo jo uspeli zaviti. Mogoče je šel v šok. Šlo je za češko mitraljez. Dolgo smo skrbeli zanj, Danec in jaz - dokler ni bil ranjen. Potem sem bil sam med Španci. Nikoli niso prejeli vojaškega usposabljanja. Včasih, ko ni bilo veliko bojev, sem sedel in jih treniral, ločil orožje in ga sestavil nazaj. V času, ko sem bil kot nabornik na Švedskem, ste se navadili takšnih stvari. Ko pa sem odšel od doma, nisem imel dovoljenja za uporabo nobenega mitraljeza. Tam spodaj si se moral vsega naučiti. "

Da, če ga primerjate z dnevi nabornika. Od streljanja z lesenim vtikačem do prave stvari ... lahko se izkaže tako. Toda v resnici sem to videl bolj kot službo. Na pomoč ste odšli v Španijo in del te pomoči, ko ste bili na pisavi, je poskušal odpraviti sovražnika. Preden smo prišli na Ebro, sem bil tega že navajen, saj sem moral ciljati na ljudi in streljati. Kar se spomnite ... je predvsem to, kako bi ljudje okoli vas ubili ali ranili. Videl sem osem ali devet Skandinavcev, ubitih v eni sami topniški eksploziji. Razbremenili smo ostale na fronti. Korakali smo v koloni, napredovali skozi gozdiček, a so nas odkrila sovražna letala in nas topništvo obstrelilo s peklenskim ognjem. Takrat so umrli. Odpravili smo se čez hrib. Pred njim je bil še en hrib, nižji od prvega. Tja smo šli. Toda našli smo jamo, v katero bi se lahko zakrili. Tam nas niso mogli doseči z topniškim ognjem, in tam smo čakali, dokler se ni umirilo, preden smo se odpravili na položaje. Če jih lahko resnično pokličete na položaje. Rovov ni bilo. Kopati smo morali malo po malo. Ni bilo lahko. Začeli bi z majhno jamo in jo sčasoma povečali ... dokler ne bi imeli rovov s povezavami tudi nazaj. Bil sem ranjen tri ali štiri dni, preden so nas umaknili s fronte. Zgodilo se je v Sierra Caballs. Tisti večer sem bil začasno zunaj jarkov, za njimi. V temi so streljali z granatami. Slišal sem brnenje, podobno pticam, ko so granate šle visoko nad vami. Če pa udarijo kamor koli blizu, nimate časa slišati.

Slišite samo cviljenje in potem je konec. Granata je udarila blizu mene. V licu sem imel pekoč občutek. Imel sem kri v očeh in nisem videl ničesar. Poklical sem zdravnike. Prišli so, a rane v temi niso videli. Prijel sem ga za roko - in jo vzel k licu, da je začutil rano. Povil mi je celo glavo. Zdravnik ... Katalonec ... me je vodil nekaj kilometrov nazaj do nosilcev. Odnesli so me v šotor prve pomoči. Dobil sem strel. Nato so me dvignili v reševalno vozilo. Tam sem zaspal in se zbudil v bolnišnici. Ne spomnim se, kje je bil. Prijatelju sem rekel: "Mislim, da sem oslepel." Potem sem potegnil povoj in opazil, da vidim popolnoma jasno. Imel sem veliko krvavitev, vendar me ni močno bolelo. Kasneje se je poslabšalo. Kos šrapnela mi je bil zataknjen v desno lice. Rana se je okužila. Celoten obraz mi je nabrekel, potem pa me je zelo bolelo. Bil sem v okrevalnem domu, ko so ga petnajst dni kasneje odstranili. Manjkalo jim je materiala. Tako so kos vzeli ven brez anestezije.


Mnenja | Španija v naših srcih: Američani v španski državljanski vojni, 1936–1939

BIL JE VZROK GENERACIJE. Španska državljanska vojna, kot je v tej izjemni zgodovini pojasnil Adam Hochschild, je preoblikovala vse in vse, česar se je dotaknila. Številni posamezniki in institucije, ki bi jih raje častili - med njimi Katoliška cerkev, evropske demokracije, ameriški poslovni voditelji, tisk, predsednik Franklin Roosevelt in njegova vlada - so se obnašali odvratno, mnogi pa so bili predani najhujšim vzrokom, na primer sovjetski diktator Josef Stalin se je plemenito spopadel z izzivom.

Hochschild je očitno naklonjen levi "republikanski" (lojalistični) strani, ki je bila demokratično izvoljena španska vlada. Vendar ne odvrača pogled od njegovih ogorčenj: umor več kot 7000 pripadnikov španske katoliške duhovščine, požiganje več sto cerkva in stolnic ter čistke s strani stalinistične tajne policije.

Uporniški falangisti - španski fašisti, vljudno znani kot "nacionalisti" - so dosegli veliko večje število trupel, streljali zapornike in pobili na tisoče kmetov, delavcev in "intelektualcev". Vodja falangistov, generalissimo Francisco Franco, pohabljen psihiat, ki je bil iztrebljen, je odkrito podprl teroristično bombardiranje, množično ropanje in posilstvo kot vojno orožje. Katoliška cerkev je vse to in še huje navdušeno podpirala.

Medtem ko sta Adolf Hitler in Benito Mussolini zagotavljala tanke, bojna letala, podmornice in čete - brez katerih bi bil Franco nedvomno poražen - zahodne demokracije niso pomagale republikancem skoraj nič. Malo je verjetno, da bi Roosevelt lahko naredil toliko, kot nakazuje Hochschild, da bi moral aktivno posredovati v njihovem imenu. Je pa neoprostivo, kot pravi Hochschild, da je njegova uprava ignorirala mahinacije Torkilda Rieberja, profašističnega predsednika Texaca, ki je Francu zagotovil brezplačno nafto, jo prenašal v tankerje svojega podjetja (v nasprotju z zakonodajo ZDA) in je uporabil pomorsko obveščevalno mrežo svojega podjetja, da je izdal republikanske ladje za dobavo Mussolinijevim podmornicam.

Molk demokracij je pustil republikance odvisne od Sovjetske zveze, ki jim je dobavila orožje in svetovalce v zameno za skoraj tri četrtine španskih zlatih rezerv ter zastrašujočo kampanjo političnih sojenj in usmrtitev.

Potem je ostal le pogum ljudi, ki se niso mogli upreti posilstvu Španije, tisočev moških in žensk iz vsega zahodnega sveta, ki so se pridružili mednarodnim brigadam. Hochschild se osredotoča na peščico tem - med njimi voznika reševalnega vozila, medicinsko sestro in več novinarjev, med drugim Ernesta Hemingwaya, takrat dopisnega dopisnika North American Newspaper Alliance.

Nekdo bi si želel, da bi Hochschild malo razširil svojo mrežo, vendar to ne bi omogočilo sijočega poguma in vztrajnosti, ki jih črpa iz pripovedi svojih podanikov. Čeprav so Španci cenili te moške in ženske, so bili pogosto žrtvovani zaradi zmede in izzivov vojne: vrženi v samomorilne napade, komaj usposobljeni in opremljeni ter jim je bilo malo hrane, zavetja ali ustrezne zdravstvene oskrbe. Vseeno sta se naveličala in pomagala, da je republika preživela presenetljivo dolgo.

Zaradi svojih prizadevanj so jih v letih makartizma po drugi svetovni vojni pogosto obravnavali kot skoraj kriminalce.

Prostovoljci, ki so prišli v Španijo, so bili večinoma predani socialisti in komunisti, Hochschild pa ne okleva in razišče njihovo naivnost ali včasih namerno slepo poslušnost moskovski partijski liniji. Skoraj vsi njegovi subjekti pa so srhljivo ameriški tipi.

Tudi Hemingway se je kljub vsemu svojemu mačističnemu napadu izkazal za resnega pri svojem delu in je bil resno prizadet, ko so iz Španije potegnili streljane mednarodne brigade in kričali »Ne zmorejo! Tega ne zmorejo! " preden se razjoče. Hochschild se nam zdi, da danes počnemo enako. MHQ

KEVIN BAKER je pisatelj, zgodovinar in novinar. Njegova zadnja knjiga je Amerika domiselna: Kako je narod sanjarjev, priseljencev in loparjev spremenil svet (Umetnik, 2016).

Ta članek je bil prvotno objavljen v zimski številki 2017 (letnik 29, št. 2) z dne MHQ: četrtletni časopis za vojaško zgodovino z naslovom: Ocene: vzroki in posledice.

Želite imeti odlično ilustrirano, vrhunsko tiskano izdajo MHQ vam ga dostavljajo štirikrat na leto? Naročite se zdaj s posebnimi prihranki!


Člani IWW, ki so se borili v španski državljanski vojni

Prvotno objavljeno v kratkem prispevku Matta Whitea o nekaterih članih IWW, ki so umrli med špansko državljansko vojno.

Ni presenetljivo, da so se številni Wobbliesi odpravili v Španijo, da bi se borili v španski državljanski vojni. Več jih je služilo pri Nacionalni konfederaciji Nacional Trabajo (CNT), medtem ko se zdi, da je večina v mednarodnih brigadah. Wobblies, kot so Mike Raddock, Ray Steele in takratni bodoči urednik Industrial Worker Pat Read, so pridobili sloves nekaterih najboljših vojakov v 15. mednarodni brigadi. Zapisi iz španske državljanske vojne in IWW iz tridesetih let prejšnjega stoletja so nepopolni, zato ni mogoče z gotovostjo vedeti, koliko Wobblies je odšlo v Španijo. Odkril sem več kot 20 ljudi, ki so se navedli kot Wobblies ali pa so se drugi spomnili kot Wobblies. Od te skupine Wobblies je bilo osem ubitih v Španiji, eden pa je umrl kmalu po tem, ko se je vrnil iz Španije zaradi ran, ki jih je tam dobil. Zaradi neznanih razlogov se industrijski delavec nikoli ni spomnil smrti petih od devetih sodelavcev, ki so našteti tukaj. Tako se spomnimo letošnjega novembra, 75 let od zadnjega dejanja španske državljanske vojne.

Heinrich Bortz. Glede na njegovo osmrtnico v številki Industrial Worker od 23. oktobra 1937: »Kolega Bortz je bil Nemec in je pripadal I.W.W. [mornarjev] podružnica v Stettinu. " Osmrtnica je povedala, da so nacisti vrgli Bortza v koncentracijsko taborišče. Bortz je nato pobegnil iz taborišča in se odpravil na Dansko in nato na Švedsko. Na Švedskem je bil še naprej aktiven pri radikalnem delu. Leta 1936 je odpotoval v Španijo in se pridružil CNT -jevemu mednarodnemu bataljonu Durruti, kjer je bil ubit v akciji.

Ted Dickinson. Dickinson se je leta 1923 pridružil avstralski IWW in uredil avstralski časopis IWW Direct Action. Dickinson je bil zaradi dejavnosti IWW zaprt. Dickinson je kmalu po izpustitvi iz zapora konec dvajsetih let prejšnjega stoletja odšel v Anglijo. Dickinson se je pridružil britanskemu bataljonu mednarodnih brigad in je bil drugi poveljnik druge čete. Leta 1937 so ga ujeli in usmrtili fašisti.

Harry F. Owens. Owens je bil odkrit anarhistični pomorščak, ki se je pridružil IWW leta 1921, potem ko se je razjezil zaradi ravnanja Mednarodne zveze mornarjev. Preden je Owens odšel v Španijo, je pomagal pri stavki IWW proti ladji, ki je prevažala blago do fašistov v Španiji. O Owensu v Španiji ni preveč podatkov, vendar je bil član bataljona Lincoln in je bil nekje sredi leta 1937 ubit.

Louis Rosenberg. Po njegovem obvestilu o smrti s CNT je bil Louis Rosenberg ubit v akciji z mednarodnim bataljonom Durruti 26. divizije, na Aragonski fronti, 16. junija 1937. Rosenberg je bil star 24 let in se je pridružil IWW Industrial Union (IU) 120 Delavci lesa v Port Arthurju, Ontario. Sodeloval je pri stavki Thunder Bay leta 1934 in stavki okrožja Algoma leta 1935. Njegov nekrolog omenja neimenovanega anarhista iz Pensilvanije, ki je bil hkrati ubit.

Lawrence K. Ryan. Ryan je bil v začetku tridesetih let prejšnjega stoletja sekretar podružnice v Las Vegasu. V tej vlogi bi bil vključen v organizacijo akcije Boulder Dam. Ryan je bil prvi prostovoljec Lincolnovega bataljona, ki je bil hudo ranjen med napadom na Jaramo 27. februarja 1937.

Po besedah ​​njegovega prijatelja D.P. Stephens, Ryan je leto kasneje umrl v Kanadi, verjetno zaradi rane Jarama.

Herbert Schlessinger. V nekem intervjuju je Schlessinger trdil, da je bil vezni člen med Zvezo mornarjev Pacifika (SUP) in IWW, kar je povsem smiselno, saj je bil SUP v drugi polovici tridesetih do štiridesetih let prejšnjega stoletja v zavezništvu z IWW. Konec leta 1938 je bil ubit v akciji z bataljonom Lincoln.

Ivan Alroy Silverman. Silverman je bil član gradbenih delavcev IWW v Los Angelesu. Silverman je v drugo polovico leta 1937 prispel v Španijo in bil član bataljona Lincoln. Silverman je bil aprila 1938 naveden kot ubit v Gandesi.

Raymond Albert Steele. Steele je bil še en Wobbly mornar. Kot je povedal veteran bataljona Lincoln Dave Smith, je "Ray Steele vedno razlagal o superiornosti neposrednega delovanja kot taktike." Steeleja so se rado spominjali kot enega najboljših vojakov v bataljonu Lincoln in enega najboljših mitraljescev čete strojnic Tom Mooney. Po zapisih Mednarodnih brigad je bil ubit 15. julija 1937 med kampanjo Brunete. Obstaja več različnih različic Steelejeve smrti, vendar je soglasno stališče, da ga je ubil ostrostrelec.

Robert Charles Watts. Watts je bil jadranski pristaniški mornar, ko se je prostovoljno prijavil v Španijo. Trdil je, da je v dvajsetih letih prejšnjega stoletja služil v mehiški vojski. Služil je v bataljonu Mackenzie-Papineau in bil ubit konec marca ali v začetku aprila 1938 v akciji.


Švedska in španska državljanska vojna - zgodovina

SLOVENŠČINA 481: Kulturne študije, poststrukturalizem in španska državljanska vojna

BESEDILA (knjigarna Illini Union):

Frances Lannon, Španska državljanska vojna (OSNOVNO BRANJE).
Peter Carroll, Odiseja Abrahama Lincolna.
George Orwell, Poklon Kataloniji.
Cary Nelson, ur. Rana in sanje.
Helen Graham, Španska republika v vojni.
Ernest Hemingway, Komu zvoni.

Španska državljanska vojna 1936-39 ponuja izjemno priložnost za preizkušanje in uporabo nekaterih najbolj ambicioznih trditev kulturnih študij. To je bil trenutek, ko sta se umetnost in politika združili z izjemno močjo in tako trenutek, ko kulturološki argumenti o nujnosti kontekstualiziranja kulturne produkcije ne postanejo le uporabni, ampak bistveni. To je bil tudi odločilen primer skupnega namena na vseh kulturnih področjih, medsebojno so se medsebojno vplivali glasba, slikarstvo, fotografija, literatura, reportaže, politične spletke in vojaško načrtovanje. Kulturne študije in poststrukturalizem sta pritisnila na relativnost in soodvisnost kulturnih področij. Tukaj je priložnost, da preizkusimo to trditev. Finally, like many military conflicts the Spanish Civil War challenges one to work despite the radical undecidability of events and the political volatility of meanings. These will be matters for our extended reflection during the seminar.

We will study the military and political course of the war, along with its literature, graphic art, and political rhetoric. Course assignments will be in English, though students with skills in other relevant languages are welcome to take up special projects that make use of their skills. The class will include group interpretive projects focused on SCW posters and photographs. The U of I library's Rare Book Room has extraordinary SCW holdings, including 100 original SCW posters and many hundreds of original unpublished SCW letters.

Feel free to email me with questions: [email protected]

September 2 INTRODUCTION, with "The Spanish Earth" (film, 1937)

Sep 9 AMERICANS IN THE INTERNATIONAL BRIGADES

Peter Carroll, The Odyssey of the Abraham Lincoln Brigada.
from C. Nelson and Jefferson Hendricks, eds. Madrid 1937: Letters of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade from the Španska državljanska vojna. [MAPS]
Bernard Knox, "Premature Anti-Fascist." [MAPS]
Herbert Romerstein, "Conclusion," from Heroic Victims.
Stéphane Courtois and Jean-Louis Panné, "The Shadow of the NKVD in Spain," in Cortois et al, The Black Book of Communism: Crimes, Terror, Repression pp. 333-52.
Ronald Radosh, et. al, from Spain Betrayed, "Preface," "Introduction," "Historical Background," pp. 103-105, 433-469.
Cecil Eby, Between the Bullet and the Lie: American Volunteers in the Spanish Civil War ("Preface").

Sep 16 HEMINGWAY AND SPAIN:

Hemingway, Komu zvoni.

from Carlos Baker, Ernest Hemingway: Življenjska zgodba, (Chapters 41-50) pp. 299-357.

from Kenneth S. Lynn, Hemingway, "Chapter 20," pp. 475-497.

William Branch Watson, "Hemingway's Attacks on the Soviet and the Communists in Komu zvoni, North Dakota Quarterly (Spring 1992), 103-18.

Robert Fleming, "Communism vs. Community in For Whom the Bell Tolls, NDQ (Spring 1992), 144-50.

E. San Juan, Jr,, "Ideological Form, Symbolic Exchange, Textual Production: A Symptomatic Reading of Za Whom the Bell Tolls, NDQ (Spring 1992), 119-143.

Wolfgang E. H. Rudat, "Hamlet in Spain: Oedipal Dilemnas in Komu zvoni, NDQ (Sp. 1992), 83-101.

Cary Nelson, Remembering Spain: Hemingway's Civil War Eulogy and the Veterans of the Abraham Lincoln Brigada.

Sep 23 WOMEN IN THE SPANISH CIVIL WAR

Martha Millet, "Women of Spain" (poem), in Nelson, ed. The Wound and the Dream: Sixty Years of American Poems about the Spanish Civil War.


Pla Y Beltran, "Girl Fighter of Spain" (poem)

Nelson, Revolutionary Memory: Recovering the Poetry of the American Left, str. 199.

Ave Bruzzichezi, [Letters] in Cary Nelson and Jefferson Hendricks, eds., Madrid 1937: Letters of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade from the Spanish Civil War.

Helen Graham, "Women and Social Change," from španski Cultural Studies, eds. Graham and Jo Labanyi.

Sim (Rey Vila), from Estampas de la Revolución 19 Julio
de 1936.

from Jordi and Arnau Carulla, La Guerra Civil en 2000 Carteles, 2 zvezka. [Art Library AND RARE BOOK ROOM]

Francis Lannon, "Women" and "Women and War: Two Memoirs," from Lannon, The Spanish Civil War, pp. 70-2, 80-3.

Paul Preston, "La Pasionaria," from Comrades and "Nan Green" from Doves of War: Four Women of Spain.

from Mary Nash, Defying Male Civilization: Women in the Španska državljanska vojna.

Caroline Brothers, "Women at Arms," in Brothers, War and Photography: A Cultural History, pp. 76-98.

Sep 30 THE EVENTS OF MAY 1937

Raymond Carr, "Spain and the Communists," New York Review of Books (April 10, 2003), 62-67.

George Orwell, Poklon Kataloniji.

Orwell, "Spilling the Spanish Beans." [MAPS]

Jean Rous, "Spain 1936-39: The Murdered Revolution," in Revolucionarna zgodovina (The Spanish Civil War: The View from the Left) 4:1-2 (1992).

Helen Graham, "The Barcelona May Days and Their Consequences," from The Spanish Republic at War.

George Esenwein and Adrian Shubert, from Spain at War, pp. 217-31.

Oct 7 POETRY AND THE SPANISH CIVIL WAR

from Peter Monteath, Writing the Good Fight.

from Carlos Bauer, ed., Cries from a Wounded Madrid.

from Ted Genoways, ed., The Selected Poems of Miguel Hernandez.

from Marilyn Rosenthal, Poetry of the Spanish Civil War.

Oct 14 POETRY AND THE SPANISH CIVIL WAR II

Cary Nelson, ed. The Wound and the Dream: Sixty Years of American Poems About the Spanish Civil War.

Oct 21 POETRY AND THE SPANISH CIVIL WAR III

from Valentine Cunningham, ed. The Penguin Book of Spanish Civil War Verse.

selected poems from Latin America and Europe

Oct 28 PHOTOGRAPHY AND THE SPANISH CIVIL WAR

1. ROBERT CAPA'S FALLING MILITIAMAN:

Caroline Brothers, [On Capa's "Death of a Republican Soldier"], from Brothers, War and Photography: A Cultural History, pp. 178-85.

Cary Nelson, [On Capa's "Falling Militiaman'], from Nelson, The Aura of the Cause: A Photo Album for North American Volunteers in the Spanish Civil Vojna, pp. 28-33.

Richard Whelan, "Robert Capa's Falling Soldier: A Detective Story," Aperture 166 (Spring 2002), 48-55.

2. Spanish Civil War Photographs [MAPS]

Nov 4 FILM, MEMORY, AND REPRESENTATION

1. KEN LOACH [film] "Land and Freedom," supplemented by a number of reviews, including Paul Preston (New Times, September 1995), Andy Durgan (Socialist Review, July 1996), Martine Vidal (New Politics, Summer 1996), Roy Quickenden (abanderado, 1996), Richard Porton (Cineaste, Winter 1996), Anonymous ("World Socialist Web Site), Martha Gellhorn.

2. JOSé LOUIS CUERDA [film] "Butterfly"

Nov. 11 SPANISH CIVIL WAR POSTERS

John Tisa, The Pallette and the Flame (English library
reserve).

Alexander Vegara, "The Visual Front" (online--UCSD)

Cary Nelson, "Nightmares of Dead Children, Dreams of Utopia: Posters of the 1936-39 Spanish Civil War" (http://culturalstudies.gmu.edu/cultural_matters/issue1/nelson.html).

Jordi and Arnau Carulla, LA GUERRA CIVIL EN 2000 CARTELES (2 vols) (Art & Architecture Library, Rare Book Room).

Over 100 original SCW posters are in our Rare Book Room collection.

Nov. 18 SPANISH CIVIL WAR POSTERS II

Dec. 2 THE REPUBLIC IN CRISIS AND AT WAR

Helen Graham, The Spanish Republic at War.

Cary Nelson--RESERVE LIST--ENGLISH LIBRARY (English 481) Fall 2003

Carlos Baker, ERNEST HEMINGWAY: A LIFE STORY

Carlos Bauer, CRIES FROM A WOUNDED MADRID

Alvah Bessie, ed. HEART OF SPAIN

Burnett Bolloten, THE SPANISH CIVIL WAR

ROBERT CAPA: PHOTOGRAPHS (Aperture)

HEART OF SPAIN: ROBERT CAPA'S PHOTOGRAPHS OF THE SPANISH CIVIL WAR (Aperture)

Peter Carroll, THE ODYSSEY OF THE ABRAHAM LINCOLN BRIGADE

George Esenwein, SPAIN AT WAR

Valentine Cunningham, ed. THE PENGUIN BOOK OF SPANISH CIVIL WAR VERSE

Cecil Eby, BETWEEN THE BULLET AND THE LIE

Jim Fyrth, ed. WOMEN'S VOICES FROM THE SPANISH CIVIL WAR*

Ted Genoways, ed. THE SELECTED POEMS OF MIGUEL HERNANDEZ

Helen Graham, THE SPANISH REPUBLIC AT WAR, THE HEMINGWAY REVIEW Vol. VII: No. 2 (Spring 1988).

Gerald Howson, ARMS FOR SPAIN

David Mitchell, THE SPANISH CIVIL WAR

Peter Monteath, WRITING THE GOOD FIGHT

Mary Nash, DEFYING MALE CIVILIZATION: WOMEN IN THE SPANISH CIVIL WAR

Cary Nelson, ed. MADRID 1937: LETTERS OF THE ABRAHAM LINCOLN BRIGADE.

Cary Nelson, THE AURA OF THE CAUSE

Cary Nelson, SHOUTS FROM THE WALL

Cary Nelson, THE WOUND AND THE DREAM

NORTH DAKOTA QUARTERLY (Spring 1992)

Paul Preston, DOVES OF WAR: FOUR WOMEN OF SPAIN*

Gabriel Ranzato, THE SPANISH CIVIL WAR

Hugh Thomas, THE SPANISH CIVIL WAR

John Tisa, THE PALETTE AND THE FLAME

*books on order
___________________________

RESERVE LIST--ART AND ARCHITECTURE LIBRARY

APERTURE No. 166 (Spring 2002)

Jordi and Arnau Carulla, LA GUERRA CIVIL EN 2000 CARTELES (2 vols) [also in RARE BOOK ROOM REFERENCE]

Caroline Brothers, WAR AND PHOTOGRAPHY: A CULTURAL HISTORY

SPANISH CIVIL WAR--FILM SHOWINGS--Mondays 7pm.--160 English Bldg.

SEPTEMBER 8--THE GOOD FIGHT (Sam Sills)

SEPTEMBER 15--FOR WHOM THE BELL TOLLS (Sam Wood, 1943)
with Ingrid Bergman & Gary Cooper

SEPTEMBER 22--INTO THE FIRE (Julia Newman, 2002)

SEPTEMBER 29--DEFENDERS OF THE FAITH (Palmer, 1937)

OCTOBER 20--LAND AND FREEDOM (Ken Loach)

OCTOBER 27--ROBERT CAPA (American Masters--PBS)

NOVEMBER 3--BUTTERFLY (José Luis Cuerda)

1. Email analyses to all class members:

a. BEFORE October 7, one or two poems.
b. BEFORE October 14, one or two poems.
c. BEFORE October 28, one or two photographs.
d. BEFORE November 11, one group poster analysis.
e. BEFORE November 18, one group poster analysis.

f. ALL OTHER WEEKS--issues for discussion.

2. FINAL PAPER--on any element of the Spanish Civil War, narrowly
or broadly focused, but taking account of competing possible interpretations of political, cultural, theoretical issues. About 30 pages in length.


Spanish Civil War: An Overview of the Causes.

The Spanish Civil War was a tragic tearing apart of a society where civil discourse had failed and given way to violence. The war lasted from July 1936 to April 1939, and was initiated by a rebellious group of disaffected army generals frustrated by what they saw as the failure of Spain’s Second Republic, 1931-36.

The Second Republic was a valiant if misguided effort at coming to terms with the country’s past. It sought to address long-standing historic problems/struggles which had gathered force and been added to throughout the turbulent 19 th century.

During that century new voices had been added to the ancient, traditional powers of monarchy, cerkev in nobility with the rise of the army, political parties, workers’ movements, anarchism , Republikanstva. To these we can add a reborn and revitalised historical reality, regionalism, with demands for some form of recognition in the Basque Provinces and especially in Catalonia .

In attempting to satisfy/resolve the interests of all these voices, the Second Republic attempted to do too much, too quickly and with too much passion. As a result the political pendulum swung, with increasing instability, from:
1. a left wing coalition government (June 1931 to November 1933)
2. a centre-right wing coalition government (November 1933 t0 Feb 1936)
3. another left wing coalition government (Feb 1936 to July 1936).

The push to reform was central to the left wing agenda resistance was equally paramount to the right wing. The left favoured:
1. educational reform (which brought it into direct conflict with the Church)
2. agrarian reform (which threatened the landed oligarchy, especially in parts of Andalusia and of Extremadura)
3. military reform (which challenged military control of its affairs)
4. regional autonomy (which undermined national unity)
5. free assembly and the right to strike (which subverted employer power).

By the first half of 1936, the rhetoric on both sides had become more strident and inflammatory and violence more frequent, e.g. assassinations, the torching of churches. The left accused the right of obstructionism and fascism the right countered that they were fighting the forces of godless Marxism. To the left it was truth against obscurantism to the right it was the truth of traditional Catholic values against heresy.

It was, as a recent history of Spain in the twentieth century summarizes succinctly, “a class war, between differing conceptions of social order a war of religion, between Catholicism and ant-clericalism a war revolving around the idea of patria (i.e. regionalism) and nation…. In short, the Spanish Civil War was a melting pot of universal battles between employers and workers, Church and State, obscurantism and modernization….” (Casanova 161).

The Military Moves In.
Soon after the elections of February 1936, right wing politicians and some anti-republican army generals began to plot a coup against the left-wing government. The Right tried and failed to overturn the election results and the most “difficult” generals were transferred to distant posts and replaced by loyalist officers.

Amongst the former was General Francisco Franco (later Commander-in-Chief –Generalísimo– of the rebellious armed forces), who was posted to the Canary Islands, a transfer which he viewed as demotion.

The next few months saw a spiraling collapse of social order. The social dissatisfaction of the left was channeled into strikes, churches were burnt and there were threats of revolution. The right responded with its own creed of violence with gangs wearing paramilitary uniforms cruising Madrid on the lookout for the enemy.

The point of explosion came with the assassination in Madrid on July 13 th of José Calvo Sotelo, leader of the far right Bloque Nacional. His murder was a tit-for-tat response by republican police officers for the slaying the day before by right wing gunmen of a police guard known for his socialist sympathies.

Calvo Sotelo’s death propelled the hard line, traditionalist generals to action. On the evening of July 17 th , rebel soldiers in the Spanish protectorate of Morocco (aka the Rif) –fearing that loyalist troops were about to arrest them– seized control of their garrisons in Ceuta, Melilla and Tetuán.

Early next day, Franco declared a state of war and that afternoon took a chartered plane from the Canaries to Tetuán. The objective at this point was Madrid . In the north, General Emilio Mola (who coined the phrase “fifth column”) headed the northern army, with the same objective as Franco: Madrid. There was no turning back.

Viri.
Barton, Simon A History of Spain Basingstoke, Hampshire 2 nd . ed. 2009.
Casanova Julián & Andrés, Carlos Gil Twentieth-Century Spain: A History trans. Martin Douch Cambridge 2014.
Jackson, Gabriel A Concise History of the Spanish Civil War London 1974.
Preston, Paul A Concise History of the Spanish Civil War London 1996.


Povzetek

In 1976, Augusto Pinochet told Henry Kissinger that Chile was undergoing “a further stage of the same conflict which erupted into the Spanish Civil War.” Pinochet was not alone in this view throughout the 1970s, Chilean rightists used the Spanish Civil War as a point of reference. This article explores how and why Chilean golpistas drew on the Spanish example in developing their ideas about political struggle. It argues that the Civil War—or at least one interpretation of it, in which the military had purged Spain of communism in a kind of Christian reconquest—was a key component of the paradigm that some anti–Salvador Allende revanchists used to understand their world. In so doing, the article sheds light on a strain of Chilean conservatism that looked not to the United States for inspiration but to Spain, demonstrating the value of integrating Europe into analyses of Cold War Latin America's transnational dimensions.


Sweden and the Spanish Civil War - History

The digital Archive of the Spanish Civil War and the Francoist Dictatorship is an initiative of UCSD in collaboration with several Spanish civic associations, such as the ARMH (Asociación para la Recuperación de la Memoria Histórica), the Asociación de Ex-presos y Represaliados Políticos, Federación Estatal de Foros por la Memoria in drugi. With the assistance of these human rights organizations, since the summer of 2007 several teams of graduate students have been recording audiovisual testimonies of militants, witnesses, and victims of the Spanish Civil War and the Francoist repression.

As is widely known, General Francisco Franco, together with other generals, and with the military support of Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy, headed a coup d’état in 1936 that interrupted the democratically elected government of the Second Republic (1931-1936). Since the coup d’état faced stiff opposition from many loyalists to the Republic, it gave rise to a civil war that lasted from 1936 to 1939. After the victory of the rebellious generals, Franco took power thus inaugurating the longest dictatorship in the history of Europe (1939-1975).

In the seventy years since the end of the Spanish Civil War scholars of the period have studied the conflict from several perspectives using different methodologies. Although some of these studies refer to the political repression implemented by Franco and the Falange (the Spanish Fascist Party), the magnitude and the scope of the repression is not yet fully documented. This absence in the historical record is the result of a “pact of silence” established by the Spanish policymakers in charge of the transition to democracy. The legal expression of this “pact of silence” was the Amnesty Law of 1977. This law grated amnesty to political prisoners, but also explicitly prohibited any legal proceedings against perpetrators of human rights violations as well. It also blocked the formation of Truth Commissions as was common in other post-dictatorial societies, such as in Argentina, Chile, and South Africa. In addition, during the transition to democracy, Francoist officials destroyed thousands of written documents pertaining to the implementation of repression both during the war and the dictatorship.

  • Create a safe institutional space in order to validate the experiences of those who survived the violence implemented by the Fascist forces during the Spanish Civil War and the subsequent dictatorship.
  • Create and preserve an oral record of significant events pertaining to the Spanish Civil War and the Francoist repression. The oral stories of these victims are an alternative mode of historical knowledge. As such, the testimonies of these men and women present a different version of the past, one that is extremely important, because, as pointed out before, the majority of the written records of the dictatorship were physically destroyed during the transition to democracy.
  • Record and preserve the audiovisual dimension of these historical testimonies. The audiovisual component of the archive is essential, because it shows the non-verbal dimension of a traumatic testimony. By filming the testimonies we have access to body language, silences, pauses, and other non-verbal elements. These elements provide important information about the affective dimension of the testimony. Furthermore, the images of the testimony show the process of memory in the making, as an open process rather than as a closed product.
  • Make the stories of the victims of the Spanish Civil War and Francoist repression available on the Internet. This will be an invaluable tool to educate future generations about the traumatic events that took place in Spain during this historical period. In this sense, the archive attempts to recover and to disseminate the multiple political legacies of the men and women who defended our first democracy and opposed the Francoist dictatorship.

The interviews included in the Archive are based on a protocol that tries to empower the witnesses by listening emphatically and actively. This implies that the interviews are open-ended and that the interviewers are historically informed so that they can assist the interviewees in the process of reconstructing their memories. For this reason, the testimonies are minimally edited to “clean” external interruptions, noises, and other irrelevant footage. In sum, we understand the recording of testimonies as a “story telling” process that, as such, involves pauses, repetitions, and a non-linear approach to history.

Sample Interviews
Download Flash to view sample video

History Project
Download Flash to view sample video

Report from the Field
Download Flash to view sample video

We hope that you find the stories included in this archive a useful and inspiring resource to further your knowledge of the Spanish Civil War and the Francoist dictatorship. If you or any of your relatives are interested in donating your testimonies to the collection, please contact us at: [email protected]

Spanish Organizations Collaborating in the Project
ARMH (Association for the Recuperation of Historical Memory)
Asociación de Ex-presos y Represaliados Politicos Antifranquistas (The Association of Former Political Prisoners and Anti-Francoist Fighters)
Asociación Memoria y Justicia, Andalucía (Association Memory and Justice, Andalusia)
Federación Estatal de Foros por la Memoria (State Federation of Forums for the Recovery of Memory)
Psychologists without Borders (Spain)

Svetovalni odbor
Ángel del Río. Anthropologist, University Pablo Olavide, Seville (Spain)
Francisco Ferrándiz. Anthropologist CSIC (Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas), Spain.
Cristina Moreiras-Memor Romance Languages (University of Michigan)
Pamela Radcliff. History (UCSD)
Güenter Schwaiger. Filmmaker and President of the Collective Images Against Amnesia
Emilio Silva. Spanish Journalist President of the ARMH, Spain.
Carlos Aguero (ARMH)
Guillermo Fouce (Universidad Carlos III/PSF)

UCSD Researchers
Scott Boehm (Literature)
Jessica Córdova (CILAS)
Andrea Davis (History)
Jodi Eisenberg (Literature)
Viviana Macmanus (Literature)
Elize Mazadiego (Visual Arts)
Omar Pimienta (Visual Arts)

UCSD Undergraduate Student Collaborators
Viviana Bazan
Elizabeth Diaz
Natasha Flores
Cristina Gonzalez
Karina Gutierrez
Caitlin Krull
Doug Willcox
Silvina Yi

Volunteers in Spain
Miriam Duarte
Guillermo Izquierdo
Jessica Plautz
Daniel Rojo
Jorge Rojo

Coordinator of the Project (P.I.)
Luis Martín-Cabrera, Assistant Professor of Literature


Official Web site of the
Kalifornijska univerza, San Diego
© UC Regents 2008

Spain and the Shadow of the Civil War

The relationship between an ‘unquiet past’ and the concerns of the present has been a key feature of recent engagements with the Spanish Civil War.

When Paul Preston’s The Spanish Holocaust (Harper Press, 2013) was shortlisted for the 2012 Samuel Johnson Prize it confirmed a new phase in the historiography of the Spanish Civil War. Preston’s meticulous documentation of atrocities brought home not only the fearsome nature of the conflict but also the brutality of the Francoist repression. With its lists of obscure names and places Preston’s book illustrates how civil wars transform the ordinary. These unremarkable locations have for decades contained the unmarked graves of anonymous individuals caught up in momentous events. Neighbours, friends and relatives testified to the identity of victims whose ‘crimes’ were often simply those of political affiliation. The local community may not have wielded the gun – soldiers or militiamen usually did that – but it was complicit in the everyday repressive violence of the Civil War.

Če želite nadaljevati z branjem tega članka, morate kupiti dostop do spletnega arhiva.

Če ste že kupili dostop ali ste naročnik tiskanja in arhiva, se prepričajte, da ste prijavljeni.


Civil War Legacy Continues to Divide Spain’s Politics and Its Streets

VALENCIA, Spain — In Valencia, Spain’s third-largest city, the accuser and the accused of the Spanish Civil War are still honored side by side, at least on its street map.

One of the avenues here is named after Joan Baptista Peset Aleixandre, a prominent doctor, university rector and left-wing politician who helped manage regional hospitals during the civil war.

Running parallel to the avenue is a smaller street named after another doctor, Marco Merenciano, a Fascist who pressed charges and testified against Peset Aleixandre, who was killed in 1941 by a firing squad outside a cemetery.

On Friday, it will be 40 years since the death of Francisco Franco, the victorious general in Spain’s civil war. His death was the beginning of Spain’s transition from dictatorship to democracy, but there will be no official commemorations.

The street names and other symbols of the Franco regime, not only here but across Spain, stand as a measure not only of how Franco’s legacy remains embedded in the political and physical landscape of Spain, but of the failure of this maturing democracy to grapple with it fully to this day.

The shadow of Franco continues to be a potent source of division between right and left, despite his death.

Absent a shared view of the period, recently elected left-wing mayors in Valencia and some other cities have taken it upon themselves to remove the last street names and other public displays associated with the Franco regime.

That Merenciano should have his own street is “a scandal,” said Joan Ribó, who was elected mayor of Valencia this year, ending 24 years of conservative governance.

Slika

“It’s hard to believe that we are still honoring people linked to Franco’s repression, which clearly isn’t something occurring in relation to Nazism in Germany or Fascism in Italy,” he added.

Besides the name-change debate, Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy’s conservative Popular Party has resisted Socialist-led demands to exhume bodies from mass graves remove Franco’s body from a basilica built as a symbol of his victory and create a truth commission to study the crimes committed during the war and its aftermath.

The investigation of Franco’s crimes was already promoted by Baltasar Garzón, a crusading judge who was barred from the bench in 2012 by the Supreme Court for illegally ordering wiretaps.

Speaking to a meeting of foreign correspondents on Thursday about the legacy of the Franco regime, Mr. Garzón concluded candidly, “There is no democratic maturity in Spain when it comes to these issues.”

So Valencia recently set up its own history commission, and its work includes reviewing street names associated with Franco.

According to local historians, the commission is likely to recommend changing 30 to 60 street names, including that of Merenciano.

Mr. Ribó said he also wanted to remove smaller plaques and other symbols of the Franco dictatorship, including eagle heads that were engraved onto buildings.

The push to clear public spaces of Franco symbols has not been without resistance and controversy, however, and not only in Valencia.

Madrid’s new left-wing mayor, Manuela Carmena, wants to change about 150 street names linked to Franco. As in Valencia, the plan in Madrid is part of the so-called law of historical memory, introduced in 2007 by a Socialist prime minister, José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero.

After the Popular Party ousted the Socialists from power in late 2011, however, it froze public funding for projects related to the law, including efforts to identify the remains in about 2,000 mass graves.

Conservative politicians see such efforts as contrary to the principles of conciliation embodied in a 1977 amnesty law that was intended to help the country heal after Franco’s death, and as evidence of political opportunism by left-wing parties.

The conservatives note that statues of Franco and other major symbols of his regime have already been removed. They also point out that left-wing administrations have shown no similar zeal when it comes to discussing wartime atrocities committed by Franco’s opponents, or even their own past choices of street names.

In the first year of the civil war, streets in Valencia were renamed to honor Lenin and the Soviet Union, as well as revolutionaries like Pancho Villa.

“The left seems to want to change street names far more than the right, but this remains a sterile debate, driven by politics, that only helps increase divergences within the Spanish people,” said Concepción Dancausa Treviño, who is the delegate of Mr. Rajoy’s government in the Madrid region.

“Perhaps we should just use street numbers, like in the United States, rather than keep making name changes that cost money and make no sense,” she added.

In fact, at a time of strict budget cuts — another source of division between left and right — even the cost of such efforts has become a point of contention. While Madrid’s City Hall estimated that its name-changing project would cost 60,000 euros, about $64,000, opponents say the final bill will be a hundred times as high.

Beyond the name changes, Valencia is scheduling conferences, exhibitions and other events over the coming year to highlight its role as the short-lived capital of Republican Spain.

As Franco’s troops advanced and the front line reached Madrid, Spain’s Republican government moved to Valencia in November 1936 and stayed there until October 1937. A significant part of the nation’s cultural patrimony was also relocated to relative safety in Valencia, including masterworks from the Prado museum in Madrid.

Becoming the seat of government “really transformed this city, also into a hub of social revolution and extraordinary cultural effervescence,” said Jorge Ramos Tolosa, a history professor at the University of Valencia.

Last month, City Hall awarded the honorific title of favorite daughter of Valencia to Alejandra Soler, a former leader of the student movement who got her degree in 1936, just before the civil war’s outbreak, and escaped to the Soviet Union in 1939, after Franco’s victory.

Ms. Soler, who is 102, recalled Valencia as “magnificent” during its stint as Republican capital. “This was the meeting place of all the anti-Fascist people of the world, of the real believers in democracy,” she said, sitting in her apartment filled with civil war memorabilia.

The wartime importance of Valencia, however, also made it the target of 442 bombings during the civil war, mostly by Italian aircraft that formed part of the Fascist military support provided to Franco by Hitler and Mussolini.

A local civic association wants to turn one of Valencia’s former air raid shelters into a civil war museum — which would also breach something of a taboo in a country that has almost no such museums, not even in Madrid.

So sensitive is the period still that Santos Juliá, one of Spain’s most respected historians, questioned the plan, suggesting perhaps the creation of a museum of 20th-century Spanish history instead.

“I think that to single out the civil war is still too polemic and doesn’t really help explain history,” he said, “because the civil war can’t be understood without knowing what happened before, while what happened afterward can’t be understood without knowing about the war.”


Sweden and the Spanish Civil War - History

Winner of the 1995 BABRA Nonfiction Award, sponsored by the Bay Area Book Reviewers Association.

For over half a century, the history of the Abraham Lincoln brigade—the 2,800 young Americans who volunteered to fight for the Spanish Republic against General Francisco Franco's rebellion in 1936—has been shrouded in myth, legend, and controversy. Now, for the fist time, we have a comprehensive, objective, and deeply researched account of the brigade's experience in Spain and what happened to the survivors when they returned to the United States. (About one-third of the volunteers died in Spain). The book is largely based on previously unused sources, including the newly opened Russian archives, and more than 100 oral histories.

The author charts the volunteers' motivations for enlisting in the fight against Spanish fascism and places their actions in the context of the Depression era. The battleground experiences of the brigade have never before been depicted in such vivid detail, and such battles as Jarama, Belchite, and the Ebro come alive in the participants' words. The author uses the military aspects of the war to illuminate such related issues as the influence of political ideology on military events and the psychology of a volunteer army. He also closely examines the role of the Communist party in the conduct of the war, including the "Orwell question"—allegations of a Communist reign of terror in Spain—and investigates the alleged racial problems within the brigade, the first fully integrated military unit in American history.

The book continues the saga of the brigade by relating the problems of the surviving volunteers with the U.S. Army during World War II their opposition to the Cold War, the Vietnam war, and U.S. intervention in Central America the persecution during the Red Scare of the 1950s and their involvement with the civil rights movement.

Peter N. Carroll is an independent scholar who teaches at Stanford University and the University of San Francisco.

"Peter Carroll has written with great skill and understanding the fifty-year story of the Americans who fought in the Spanish civil war. Never has the complicated and intriguing tale been told so fully, drawing as it does not only from survivors who can recount their experiences, but also from a wealth of original material, including the just-opened archives in Moscow. What is particularly fascinating is the account of the tribulations and triumphs of the veterans in the years after they were 'premature anti-fascists.' This is the moment for this book to appear, and one is grateful that it has been done so well."

—Peter Stansky, Stanford University

"This rare, this astonishing book—rich, authoritative, and moving as it is on its central subject—through Peter Carroll's way of chronicling becomes something even greater: an urgently contemporary touchstone that helps us discern in our time similar contending forces in moral, not political terms—good against evil, might against right, means against ends. In a vivid, pulsing narrative, Carroll encompasses the historical context, the drama of men in battle, and most of all the haunting human beings themselves. But what can be found nowhere else is his account of the succeeding fifty years of those who survived, as they stubbornly clung to their beliefs in the necessity of action and the possibility of transformative social change."

"Compelling . . . swift-moving collective biography of the Lincoln Brigade. . . . A richly detailed story of men and women who threw themselves into the great events of their times, holding nothing back."

— New York Times Book Review

"Tapping new sources for the first time, this must surely be considered the definitive work on Americans who fought and died for the Spanish Republic."


Poglej si posnetek: Poudarki Španija - Švedska. EURO 2020 - 2021 SKUPINA E. Španija 0-0 Švedska