Otroška tunika iz bizantinskega Egipta

Otroška tunika iz bizantinskega Egipta



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Elegantno in praktično: moda v bizantinskem cesarstvu

Bogato okrašena tunika, 660–870 A.D. Egipt, Eshmunein. Tapiserija vezana iz polikromirane in nebarvane volne na gladkih tleh iz nebarvane volne z obrobami z vzorcem in volanom iz votka iz polikromirane volne in nebarvanega lana. Prek MetMuseum.org.

Vzpon Bizantinskega cesarstva je v modi doživel razcvet. Bogato in razkošno cesarstvo se je odražalo v barvitih oblačilih, bogatih s podrobnostmi, ki navdihujejo oblikovalce in navdušence še danes.

Nekaj ​​tega navdiha z vzhoda je bilo dobesedno. Dva perzijska meniha sta iz Kitajske pretihotapila sviloprejke in jih pripeljala v Bizantinsko cesarstvo. Imperij je tako proizvedel močno svileno tkanino, imenovano “samite. ” V šestem stoletju se je proizvodnja svile močno izboljšala, kar je omogočilo vtkanje več podrobnosti v tkanino.

Volna je bila tudi v bizantinski modi pomembna tkanina. “Vložki iz volne, tkani iz tapiserije, vsebujejo figuralne in cvetlične motive s subtilnimi barvami, ki zagotavljajo senčenje in podrobnosti. ” Ti zapleteni detajli so dodali stroške oblačilom in so jih pogosto reciklirali (oblika bi bila odrezana, ko se je oblačilo preveč obrabilo in se postavilo na drug kos).

Uporaba barv, tekstur in podob v vzhodnem oblikovanju se je znašla tudi na oblačilih bizantinskih državljanov. V oblačilih višjih razredov so bile prikazane čudovite ikonografije in svetopisemski prizori.

Ker je bila za Bizantince pomembna tudi barva, so se odtenki dragih kamnov, kot so rdeča, modra in zelena, pogosto uporabljali v oblačilih zelo bogatih. To je zato, ker je bila proizvodnja takšnih barvil draga. Vijolična pa je bila rezervirana za avtorske pravice.

Krščanstvo in vera sta bili v središču Bizantinskega cesarstva, zato je smiselno, da to odražajo njihova oblačila. “Med bolj značilnimi oblačili, ki so jih razvili Bizantinci, so bila oblačila duhovščine v krščanski cerkvi ” tako kot so bili najdragocenejši dragi kamni in nakit rezervirano za duhovščino v srednjem veku.

Bizantinci so se izogibali omejujoči, vijugavi rimski togi in so raje uporabljali preproste, tekoče oblike (ki so jih nosili pred vladavino Justinijana Velikega). Bizantinska obleka, oblečena okrog vratu, sega do zapestja, je bila skromnejša od rimske. Razen rok, obraza in vratu ni bilo prikazano nobenega mesa, da bi se držali skromnosti, ki jo narekuje njihova vera.

Enostavno oblikovano, tuniko so nosili moški in otroci. Ženske so nosile daljšo, skromnejšo tunico, preprosto oblikovano in sposobno pokriti žensko telo tudi med nosečnostjo. Ženske so lase pokrile tudi s krpo za glavo. Premožne ženske so oblačila okrasile z nakitom in dodatki, kot so zvonovi.

Moški višjega razreda so nosili chlamys, polkrožni plašč, pripet na ramo. Člani senata “ […] bi imel tablion, barvno ploščo čez prsni koš ali sredino. Ta je bil pogosto okrašen z nekaterimi barvami in dragulji, kar je označevalo uvrstitev tudi med senatorski razred. ” Niti bogati moški niti premožne ženske niso nosile nobene nogavice ali gamaše (oboje je bilo povezano z barbari).


Vsebina

V zgodnjih fazah bizantinskega cesarstva so tradicionalno rimsko togo še vedno uporabljali kot zelo uradno ali uradno obleko. V času Justinijana je to zamenjala tunika ali dolga hiton, za oba spola, nad katerim so višji razredi nosili druga oblačila, na primer a dalmatica (dalmatic), težja in krajša vrsta tunike, ki jo spet nosijo oba spola, predvsem pa moški. Robovi se pogosto ukrivijo navzdol do ostre točke. The scaramangion je bil jahalni plašč perzijskega porekla, ki se je odpiral spredaj in običajno prihajal do sredine stegna, čeprav so zabeleženi, da so ga nosili cesarji, ko se zdi, da postanejo precej daljši. Na splošno so imeli moški višjega statusa in vse ženske, razen vojaške in domnevno jahače obleke, oblačila, ki so segala do gležnjev ali skoraj tako. Ženske so pogosto nosile zgornji sloj stole, za bogate z brokatom. Vsi ti, razen stole, so lahko pripeti ali ne. Izrazi oblačenja so pogosto zmedeni in določena identifikacija imena, ki ga je imel določen slikani predmet, ali oblika, ki se nanaša na določeno dokumentarno referenco, je redka, zlasti zunaj sodišča.

The chlamys, se je skozi celo obdobje nadaljeval polkrožni plašč, pritrjen na desno ramo. Dolžina je včasih padla le do bokov ali do gležnjev, veliko dlje kot različica, ki se običajno uporablja v stari Grčiji, daljša različica se imenuje tudi paludamentum. Tako kot njegovi dvorjani nosi cesar Justinijan eno z ogromno broško v ravenskih mozaikih. Na vsakem ravnem robu so imeli moški senatorskega razreda tablion, barvano ploščo v obliki pastile čez prsi ali sredino (spredaj), ki je bila uporabljena tudi za prikaz nadaljnjega ranga uporabnika po barvi ali vrsti vezenja in draguljev uporabljeni (primerjajte tiste Justinijana in njegovih dvorjanov). Teodozij I. in njegovi so-cesarji so bili prikazani leta 388 s svojimi koleni v misoriju Teodozija I. leta 387, vendar so v naslednjih desetletjih tablion je mogoče videti višje na Chlamys, na primer v slonovinah 413-414. [3] A paragauda ali rob debele tkanine, običajno z zlatom, je bil tudi pokazatelj ranga. Včasih bi nosili podolgovat ogrinjalo, zlasti vojaki in navadni ljudje, če ne za sodne priložnosti. Plašči so bili pripeti na desno ramo za lažje gibanje in dostop do meča.

Gamaše in cevi so bile pogosto nošene, vendar niso vidne v upodobitvah bogatih, ki so jih povezovali z barbari, bodisi evropskimi ali perzijskimi. Zdi se, da so bila celo osnovna oblačila za revne presenetljivo draga. [1] Nekateri fizični delavci, verjetno sužnji, so prikazani, da še vsaj poleti nosijo osnovni rimski kostum, ki je bil dejansko dva pravokotnika, prišita skupaj na ramenih in pod roko. Drugi, ko se ukvarjajo z aktivnostmi, so prikazani s stranicami tunike, ki so vezane do pasu za lažje gibanje.

Najpogostejše podobe, ki so preživele iz bizantinskega obdobja, niso pomembne kot reference za dejansko obleko, ki so jo nosili v tem obdobju. Kristus (pogosto celo kot dojenček), apostoli, sveti Jožef, sveti Janez Krstnik in nekateri drugi so skoraj vedno prikazani v formulirani obleki velike himation, veliki pravokotni plašč, ovit okoli telesa (skoraj toga), čez hiton ali tunika z ohlapnimi rokavi, ki sega do gležnjev. Sandale se nosijo na nogah. Ta kostum se običajno ne vidi v posvetnem kontekstu, čeprav je to morda namerno, da bi se izognili zamenjavi posvetnega z božanskimi temami. Theotokos (Devica Marija) je prikazana v obleki maforion, bolj oblikovan plašč s kapuco in včasih luknjo na vratu. To je verjetno blizu dejanske značilne obleke za vdove in za poročene ženske v javnosti. Deviška spodnja obleka je lahko vidna, zlasti na rokavih. Obstajajo tudi konvencije za starozavezne preroke in druge svetopisemske osebnosti. Razen Kristusa in Device je veliko ikonografskih oblačil bele ali razmeroma prigušene barve, še posebej, če so na stenah (stenske poslikave in mozaiki) in v rokopisih, vendar so bolj svetle barve na ikonah. Številne druge figure v svetopisemskih prizorih, zlasti če so neimenovane, so ponavadi upodobljene v "sodobnih" bizantinskih oblačilih.

Skromnost je bila pomembna za vse, razen za zelo bogate, večina žensk pa je videti skoraj v celoti oblečenih v precej brezoblična oblačila, ki so morala biti sposobna prenesti polno nosečnost. Osnovno oblačilo v zgodnjem imperiju sega do gležnjev, z visokim okroglim ovratnikom in tesnimi rokavi do zapestja. Robovi in ​​manšete so lahko okrašeni z vezeninami, s pasom okoli nadlakti. V 10. in 11. stoletju postaja vse bolj priljubljena obleka z razgrnjenimi rokavi, ki je bila na koncu zares zelo zapestna, preden izginjajoče zaposlene ženske prikažejo z zavezanimi rokavi. Pri sodnicah to lahko pride z V-ovratnikom. Pasovi so bili običajno nošeni, po možnosti s kavlji za pas, ki podpirajo krilo, morda so bili bolj pogosto iz tkanine kot usnje, vidni pa so tudi nekateri krili z resicami. [4] Odprtine za vrat so bile verjetno pogosto zapete, kar je v umetnosti težko opaziti in ni opisano v besedilih, vendar so morale biti potrebne le za dojenje. Možne možnosti so naravnost navzdol, čez ali diagonalno. [5] Platno spodnje perilo do 10. stoletja ni bilo oblikovano tako, da bi bilo vidno. Vendar se na tej točki nad glavno obleko začne kazati stoječi ovratnik. [5]

Lasje so pokrite z različnimi pokrivali in tančicami, ki jih domnevno pogosto odstranjujejo v hiši. Včasih so pod tančico nosili kape, včasih pa je krpo vezano v turbanskem slogu. To je bilo mogoče storiti med delom - na primer babice v prizorih Jezusovega rojstva v umetnosti običajno sprejmejo ta slog. Prejšnji so bili oviti na osem, vendar je do 11. stoletja sprejet krožni ovitek, ki je bil po možnosti prišit v fiksni položaj. V 11. in 12. stoletju so pokrivali ali tančice postali daljši. [6]

V zvezi z obutvijo so učenjaki bolj prepričani, saj obstaja precejšnje število primerov, ki jih je arheologija odkrila iz bolj suhih delov cesarstva. Najdemo veliko različnih čevljev, od sandalov, copat in škornjev do sredine teleta, ki so pogosti v rokopisnih ilustracijah in izkopanih najdbah, kjer so mnoge okrašene na različne načine. Rdeča barva, ki je namenjena uporabi Imperial v moški obutvi, je pravzaprav daleč najpogostejša barva ženskih čevljev. Torbice so redko vidne in zdi se, da so narejene iz tekstila, ki ustreza obleki, ali pa so morda zataknjene v krilo. [7]

Plesalke so prikazane s posebno obleko, vključno s kratkimi rokavi ali oblekami brez rokavov, ki imajo lahko ali pa tudi ne svetlejši rokav od spodnjega spodnjega perila. Imajo oprijete široke pasove, krila pa imajo razširjen in različno obarvan element, ki je verjetno zasnovan tako, da se dvigne, ko se vrtijo v plesih. [8] Opomba Anne Komnene o njeni materi kaže, da je bil poseben poudarek bizantinske skromnosti, da ni pokazala roke nad zapestjem. [9]

Čeprav se včasih trdi, da so tančico za obraz izumili Bizantinci, [10] bizantinska umetnost ne prikazuje žensk s prikritimi obrazi, čeprav običajno prikazuje ženske s prikritimi lasmi. Domneva se, da so bile bizantinske ženske zunaj dvornih krogov dobro zavite v javnost in so bile razmeroma omejene pri svojem gibanju zunaj hiše, ki so le redko upodobljene v umetnosti. [11] Literarni viri niso dovolj jasni, da bi razlikovali med tančico za glavo in tančico za obraz. [9] Strabon, ki je pisal v 1. stoletju, aludira na nekatere perzijske ženske, ki so si prikrivale obraze (Geografija, 11. 9-10). [ neuspešno preverjanje ] Poleg tega je v svoji razpravi zgodnji krščanski pisatelj iz 3. stoletja Tertulijan Prekrivanje devic, Ch. 17, opisuje poganske Arabke, ki pokrivajo celoten obraz, razen oči, na način nikaba. To kaže, da so si nekatere bližnjevzhodne ženske prikrile obraze že dolgo pred islamom.

Tako kot v grško-rimskih časih je bila vijolična rezervirana za kraljevo družino, druge barve v različnih kontekstih pa so posredovale informacije o razrednem in duhovniškem ali vladnem položaju. Ljudje nižjega razreda so nosili preproste tunike, vendar so imeli raje svetle barve, ki jih najdemo v vseh bizantinskih modih.

Dirke na hipodromu so uporabljale štiri ekipe: rdečo, belo, modro in zeleno, privrženci teh pa so postali politične frakcije, ki so se postavile na stran velikih teoloških vprašanj - ki so bila tudi politična vprašanja - arijanizma, nestorijanstva in monofizitstva, in zato Cesarski zahtevki, ki so se tudi postavili na stran. V 4. do 6. stoletju in večinoma v Carigradu je prišlo do ogromnih nemirov, med temi frakcijami, ki so se seveda oblekle v ustrezne barve, je bilo na tisoče smrtnih žrtev. V srednjeveški Franciji so bile podobne barvne politične frakcije, imenovane spremljevalci.

Mozaik iz 14. stoletja (desno) iz Kahriye-Cami ali Cerkev Chora v Istanbulu daje odličen pogled na vrsto noš iz poznega obdobja. Z leve strani je vojak na straži, guverner v enem od velikih klobukov, ki so ga nosili pomembni uradniki, javni uslužbenec srednjega reda (ki drži registrski zvitek) v dalmatiku s široko obrobo, verjetno vezeno, dolgo časa tunika, ki ima tudi obrobo. Nato pride vojak višjega ranga, ki nosi meč na nezavezanem pasu ali na baldriku. Devica in sveti Jožef sta v svoji običajni ikonografski obleki, za svetim Jožefom pa vrsta uglednih državljanov čaka na svojo vrsto za registracijo. Dolžina moških robov se z naraščanjem statusa osebe zmanjšuje. Vse izpostavljene noge imajo cev, vojaki in državljani pa imajo zgoraj ovitke za noge, verjetno s sandali. Državljani nosijo dalmatiko s široko obrobo okoli vratu in roba, vendar ne tako bogato kot uradnik srednjega reda. Drugi možje bi morda nosili klobuke, če ne v prisotnosti guvernerja. Darovalka v isti cerkvi, Veliki logotet Teodor Metohites, ki je vodil pravni sistem in finance cesarstva, nosi še večji klobuk, ki ga drži, medtem ko kleči pred Kristusom (glej galerijo).

Mnogi moški so bili goli in razen cesarja so bili običajno v votivnih upodobitvah, kar bi lahko izkrivilo zapis, ki ga imamo. V poznem bizantinskem obdobju so uradniki nosili številne izjemno velike klobuke kot uniformo. V 12. stoletju je cesar Andronikos Komnenos nosil klobuk v obliki piramide, vendar je ekscentrična obleka ena izmed mnogih stvari, zaradi katerih so ga kritizirali. To je bilo morda povezano z zelo elegantnim klobukom z zelo visokim kupolo in ostro obrnjenim robom, ki prihaja daleč naprej v ostrem trikotniku do ostre točke (levo), ki so jo narisali italijanski umetniki, ko je cesar Janez VIII. Palaiologos je šel v Firence in na svet Ferrare leta 1438 v zadnjih dneh cesarstva. Pisanello in drugi umetniki so skrbno narisali različice tega in drugih oblačil, vključno s številnimi spektakularnimi klobuki, ki so jih nosili obiskovalci. [2] Šli so skozi kopije po vsej Evropi za uporabo pri vzhodnih temah, zlasti za upodobitev treh kraljev ali čarovnikov v jaslicah. Leta 1159 je gostujoči križarski princ Raynald iz Châtillona nosil klobučevino v obliki tiare, okrašeno z zlatom. Iberski klobuk s širokim robom je prišel v modo v 12. stoletju. Zlasti na Balkanu so nosili majhne kape z ali brez krznenih robov, ki so jih kasneje sprejeli ruski carji.

V bizantinski umetnosti ni veliko čevljev zaradi dolgih oblačil bogatih. Rdeči čevlji so označili cesarjeve modre čevlje, a sebastokrator in zeleni čevlji a protovestiarios.

Ravenski mozaiki prikazujejo moške, ki nosijo sandale z belimi nogavicami, vojaki pa nosijo sandale, vezane okoli teleta, ali trakove tkanine, ovite okoli noge do teleta. Ti so verjetno šli vse do prstov na nogah (podobne ovoje za noge še vedno nosijo ruski drugi činovi).

Nekateri vojaki, vključno s poznejšimi cesarskimi portreti v vojaški obleki, prikazujejo škornje, ki skoraj segajo do kolena - za cesarja rdeče. V cesarskih regalijah rimskih cesarjev so čevlji ali copati v bizantinskem slogu, izdelani v Palermu pred letom 1220. So kratki, le do gležnja, in velikodušno razrezani, da omogočajo namestitev različnih velikosti. Bogato so okrašeni z biseri in dragulji ter zlatimi zvitki na straneh in čez nožni čevelj. [12] Bolj praktično obutev so brez dvoma nosili ob manj uradnih priložnostih.

Zunanji delavci bi imeli bodisi sandale bodisi bosi. Sandale sledijo rimskemu vzorcu naramnic na debelem podplatu. Nekaj ​​primerov rimskega cuculusa ali vojaškega čevlja vidimo tudi pri pastirjih.

To je ostalo blizu grško-rimskega vzorca, zlasti za častnike (glej na primer razdelek Galerija). Oklepni oklep, pod katerim se je kot krilo pojavil spodnji del kratke tunike, pogosto prekriven z robom usnjenih pasov, pteruges. Podobni trakovi so pokrivali nadlaket, pod okroglimi oklepi. Čevlji so prišli do teleta ali pa so bile sandale privezane visoko na noge. Precej šibek videz tkanine je privezan visoko pod rebra kot značka namesto praktičnega predmeta.

Obleka in oprema so se v tem obdobju precej spremenili, da bi imeli najučinkovitejše in najučinkovitejše možnosti, ki bi jih dopuščala trenutna ekonomija. Oblačila drugih rangov so bila v veliki meri enaka oblačilom običajnih delavcev. Priročniki priporočajo tunike in plašče, ki niso daljši od kolena. [13] Ko vojska koraka najprej na noge, so bili pisci priročnikov bolj zaskrbljeni, da bi morale imeti čete dobro obutev kot karkoli drugega. [14] To sega od nizkih čipkastih čevljev do stegenskih čevljev, vsi pa morajo biti opremljeni z "nekaj žeblji za kuhanje". [15] Ogrinjalo ("phakiolion" ali "maphorion"), ki sega od preproste tkanine, ki prihaja izpod čelade (kot jo še vedno nosi pravoslavna duhovščina), do nečesa podobnega turbanu, je bilo standardno vojaško pokrivalo na sredini in Pozno cesarstvo za skupne čete in za slovesno nošenje nekaterih vrst [16] so jih nosile tudi ženske.

Značilna oblačila cesarjev (pogosto sta bila dva hkrati) in caric sta bila krona in cesarstvo z dragulji loros ali palij, ki se je razvil iz trabea triumphalis, slovesno obarvana različica rimske toge, ki so jo nosili konzuli (v času vladavine Justinijana I. je konzularstvo postalo del cesarskega statusa), cesar in cesarica pa ju sta nosila kot kvazi-cerkveno oblačilo. Nosili so ga tudi dvanajst najpomembnejših uradnikov in cesarska telesna straža, zato pa tudi nadangeli na ikonah, ki so bili videti kot božanski telesni stražarji. Pravzaprav so ga običajno nosili le nekajkrat na leto, na primer na velikonočno nedeljo, vendar so ga zelo pogosto uporabljali za upodobitve v umetnosti. [17]

Moška različica lorosa je bila dolg trak, ki se je spustil naravnost spredaj do pod pas, z delom zadaj pa potegnil naprej in spodobno visel čez levo roko. Samice loros so bile podobne na sprednjem delu, vendar je bil zadnji del širši in zapet pod pas, potem ko se je spet pripeljal na sprednji del. Tako moška kot ženska različica sta spremenila slog in se v srednjem bizantinskem obdobju razšla, ženska pa se je kasneje vrnila v nov moški slog. Razen draguljev in vezenin so bile v oblačila všivene majhne emajlirane ploščice, obleka Manuela I. Komnina je bila opisana kot travnik, pokrit s cvetjem. Na splošno so rokavi tesno prilegani roki, zunanja obleka pa prihaja do gležnjev (čeprav se pogosto imenuje scaramangion) in je tudi precej tesno prilegajoča. Rokavi cesaric so v poznejšem obdobju postali izjemno široki. [18]

Nadčlovek, ki so ga nosili skozi zgodovino Bizanca, je bil cesarski okrasni ovratnik, ki je bil pogosto del lorosa. Kopirale so ga vsaj ženske višjega razreda. Bilo je iz zlata ali podobnega materiala, nato pa posuto s dragulji in močno vezeno. Okras je bil na splošno razdeljen na predelke z navpičnimi črtami na ovratniku. Robovi bi bili narejeni iz biserov različnih velikosti v največ treh vrstah. Občasno so bili dodani biseri v obliki kapljic, ki so dodali bogastvo. Ovratnica je prišla čez ključnico, da bi pokrila del zgornjega dela prsnega koša.

Cesarske regalije svetih rimskih cesarjev, ki se hranijo v Schatzkammerju (Dunaj), vsebujejo celoten komplet vrhnjih oblačil, izdelanih v 12. stoletju v bistvu v bizantinskem slogu v bizantinsko ustanovljenih delavnicah v Palermu. To so ena izmed najboljših ohranjenih bizantinskih oblačil in dajejo dobro predstavo o razkošnosti cesarskih slovesnih oblačil. Obstaja ogrinjalo (ki ga nosijo cesarji z vrzeljo spredaj), "alb", dalmatik, nogavice, copati in rokavice. The loros je Italijan in kasneje. Vsak element oblikovanja na ogrinjalu (glej spodaj Tekstil) je opisan z biseri in vezen z zlatom.

Zlasti v zgodnjih in poznejših obdobjih (približno pred 600 in po 1.000) so lahko cesarji prikazani v vojaški obleki, z zlatimi naprsniki, rdečimi škornji in krono. Krone so imele pendilia in se je v 12. stoletju na vrhu zaprl.

Dvorno življenje je "potekalo v nekakšnem baletu", z natančnimi obredi, predpisanimi za vsako priložnost, ki so pokazale, da je "cesarsko moč mogoče izvajati v harmoniji in redu", "pa bi lahko cesarstvo odražalo gibanje vesolja, kakršno je nastalo" po stvarniku ", po cesarju Konstantinu Porfirogenitu, ki je napisal a Knjiga slovesnosti ki zelo podrobno opisuje letni krog Sodišča. Posebne oblike oblačenja za številne razrede ljudi ob posebnih priložnostih so določene na slavnostni večerji za cesarja ali cesarico, različne skupine visokih uradnikov pa so izvajale slovesne "plese", ena skupina je nosila "modro-belo oblačilo s kratkimi rokavi" , in zlate trakove in prstane na gležnjih. V rokah držijo tako imenovano phengia"Druga skupina počne enako, vendar nosi" oblačilo zelene in rdeče barve, razcepljeno, z zlatimi trakovi ". Te barve so bile oznake starih frakcij dirkalnih vozov, štiri so se zdaj združile samo z modrimi in zelenimi in vključena v uradno hierarhijo.

Različno taktika, razprave o upravni strukturi, sodnem protokolu in prednosti, podajajo podrobnosti o kostumih, ki so jih nosili različni uradniki. Po psevdo-Kodinosu je bila značilna barva Sebastokratorja modra, njegova slovesna noša je vključevala modre čevlje, vezene z orli na rdečem polju, rdečo tuniko (chlamys) in diadem (stephanos) v rdeči in zlati barvi. [19] Tako kot v Versaillesu Ludvika XIV. Sta bila izdelana obleka in dvorni ritual verjetno vsaj deloma poskus zadušiti in odvrniti pozornost od političnih napetosti.

Vendar je bil ta ceremonialni način življenja pod stresom, ko se je vojaška kriza poglabljala in se po vmesnem zahodnem cesarju po zavzetju Carigrada s četrtim križarskim pohodom leta 1204 v poznem obdobju francoskega obiskovalca šokiranega, ko je cesarica jahala, ni več oživil. na ulici z manj spremljevalci in manj slovesnosti, kot bi jih imela francoska kraljica.

To je zagotovo področje, na katerem so rimska in bizantinska oblačila najbližje bivanju, saj so številne oblike navad in oblačil, ki so še v uporabi (zlasti v vzhodni, pa tudi v zahodni cerkvi), tesno povezane s svojimi predhodniki. V tem obdobju je pisarniška obleka iz običajne laične obleke prešla v specializiran nabor oblačil za različne namene. Škof v ravenskem mozaiku nosi obleko, ki je zelo blizu tistemu, kar velja za "sodobno" zahodno obliko 20. stoletja, oblačilo pa se je medtem precej povečalo, nato pa se je skrčilo. Preko rame nosi preprosto škofovsko omofor, podoben pisarniškemu palij latinske cerkve in simbol njegovega položaja. To je pozneje postalo veliko večje in je proizvajalo različne vrste podobnih oblačil, kot sta epitrahel in orarion, za druge duhovniške vrste. Sodobni pravoslavni klerikalni klobuki so tudi preživetja iz veliko večjih in svetlo obarvanih uradnih pokrival bizantinske javne službe.

Moški lasje so bili do poznega imperija na splošno kratki in urejeni in pogosto prikazani elegantno kodrani, verjetno umetno (slika na vrhu). Psalter Khludov iz 9. stoletja ima ikonofilsko osvetlitev, ki oživlja zadnjega ikonoklastnega patriarha Janeza Slovničarja in ga karikira z neurejenimi lasmi, ki štrlijo naravnost v vse smeri. Monkovi lasje so bili dolgi in večina duhovščine je imela brado, prav tako mnogi laiki, zlasti kasneje. Ženske višjega razreda so večinoma nosile lase navzgor, spet zelo pogosto kodrane in dovršeno oblikovane. Če sodimo po verski umetnosti in nekaj upodobitvah drugih žensk zunaj sodišča, so si ženske verjetno v javnosti skrčile lase, zlasti ko so poročene.

Tako kot na Kitajskem so bile velike bizantinsko cesarske delavnice, očitno vedno s sedežem v Carigradu, za tekstil in druge umetnosti, kot je mozaik. Čeprav so obstajali še drugi pomembni centri, so cesarske delavnice vodile modni in tehnični razvoj, njihovi izdelki pa so se pogosto uporabljali kot diplomatska darila drugim vladarjem, pa tudi za distribucijo favoriziranim Bizantincem. Konec 10. stoletja je cesar ruskemu vladarju poslal zlato in tkanine v upanju, da mu bo to preprečilo napad na cesarstvo.

Večina ohranjenih primerov ni bila uporabljena za oblačila in ima zelo velike tkane ali vezene vzorce. Pred bizantinskim ikonoklazmom so ti pogosto vsebovali verske prizore, kot so oznanjenja, pogosto v številnih ploščah nad velikim kosom tkanine. To se je seveda ustavilo v obdobjih ikonoklazma in razen cerkvenih oblačil [3] se večinoma figuralni prizori kasneje niso več pojavili, nadomestili so jih vzorci in vzorci živali. Nekateri primeri prikazujejo zelo velike modele, ki jih veliki uporabljajo za oblačila - dva ogromna vezena leva, ki ubita kamele, zasedata celotno površino Kronacijski plašč Rogerja II na Dunaju, proizvedeno v Palermu okoli leta 1134 v delavnicah, ki so jih tam ustanovili Bizantinci. [4] V pridigi svetega Asterija iz Amasije s konca 5. stoletja so podrobnosti o podobah na oblačilih bogatih (kar odločno obsoja): [20]

Ko se torej sami oblečejo in nastopijo v javnosti, so v očeh tistih, ki jih srečajo, videti kot naslikane stene. Morda jih obkrožajo celo otroci, ki se nasmehnejo drug drugemu in s prstom pokažejo sliko na oblačilu ter hodijo za njimi in jim dolgo sledijo. Na teh oblačilih so levi in ​​leopardi medvedi in biki ter psi gozdovi in ​​skale ter lovci in vsi poskusi posnemanja narave s slikanjem. Toda bogatejši moški in ženske, ki so bolj pobožni, so zbrali evangelijsko zgodovino in jo predali tkalcem. Morda boste videli poroko v Galileji in posode za vodo paraliziranega, ki nosi svojo posteljo na ramenih, slepega pa z glino zdravijo žensko s krvavo težavo, ki se oprime meje oblačila, ki je grešna ženska padla na noge Jezusa Lazarja, ki se je vrnil k življenju iz groba.

Tako krščanski kot poganski primeri, večinoma vezene plošče, všite v preprostejše tkanine, so se ohranile v izjemnih razmerah grobov v Egiptu, čeprav večinoma ikonične podobe v portretnem slogu in ne pripovednih prizorov, ki jih Asterius opisuje v svoji škofiji Amasya na severu Anatolije. Portret Cezarja Konstancija Galla v Kronografiji leta 354 prikazuje več figurativnih plošč na njegovih oblačilih, večinoma okroglih ali ovalnih (glej galerijo).

Zgodnje okrašeno platno je večinoma vezeno v volno na platnu, perilo pa je v celotnem obdobju na splošno pogostejše od bombaža. Surova svilena preja je bila sprva uvožena iz Kitajske, o času in kraju njenega prvega tkanja v bližnjevzhodnem svetu pa je sporno, saj so za datume v 4. in 5. predlagani vsi Egipt, Perzija, Sirija in Carigrad. stoletja. Vsekakor bizantinska tekstilna dekoracija kaže velik perzijski vpliv in zelo malo neposredno iz Kitajske. Po legendi so zastopniki Justinijana I. leta 552 podkupili dva budistična meniha iz Khotana, da bi odkrili skrivnost gojenja svile, čeprav se je veliko še naprej uvažalo iz Kitajske.

Odpornost proti barvanju je bila za tiste zunaj sodišča običajna od poznega rimskega obdobja, tiskanje z lesnimi bloki pa sega vsaj v 6. stoletje in morda še prej - spet bi to delovalo kot cenejša alternativa tkanim in vezenim materialom bogatih. Razen egipčanskih pokopališč je preživelo precej manj poceni tkanin kot dragih. Ne smemo pozabiti tudi, da je upodabljanje vzorčaste tkanine v barvi ali mozaiku zelo težko opravilo, pogosto nemogoče v majhni miniaturi, zato je umetniški zapis, ki pogosto prikazuje vzorčaste tkanine v velikih slikah v najbolj kakovostnih delih, verjetno pod -beleži uporabo krpe z vzorcem na splošno.

Cezar Constantius Gallus v kasnejši kopiji Kronografije iz leta 354 z eno najboljših ohranjenih navedb o tem, kako so bile videti slike na oblačilih, ki jih je opisal Asterius.

Konzul Anastazij je nosil konzularne obleke, podobne cesarskim. Iz njegovega konzularnega diptiha, 517.

Cerkev Chora, veliki logotet Theodore Metochites, ki je vodila pravni sistem in finance cesarstva, nosi ogromen klobuk, tako kot vsi visoki uradniki, in vzorčasto obleko.

Bazilije II v vojaški obleki, začetek 11. stoletja

Sveti Dimitrij Solunski, grški mozaik iz 12. stoletja iz Kijeva, ki prikazuje vojaško obleko, vključno z visokim krilom okoli reber, kot značko.

Skice Pisanella bizantinske delegacije na Firenškem koncilu leta 1439


Vsebina

Ker je Rim prehitel ptolomejski sistem, ki je veljal za egiptovska območja, je naredil veliko sprememb. Učinek rimskega osvajanja je bil sprva okrepitev položaja Grkov in helenizma proti egipčanskim vplivom. Nekateri prejšnji uradi in imena uradov pod helenistično ptolomejsko vladavino so bili ohranjeni, nekateri so bili spremenjeni, nekatera imena pa bi ostala, vendar bi se spremenila funkcija in uprava.

Rimljani so uvedli pomembne spremembe v upravnem sistemu, katerih cilj je doseči visoko raven učinkovitosti in povečati prihodke. Naloge prefekta Aegyptus so združevale odgovornost za vojaško varnost s poveljevanjem legij in kohort, za organizacijo financ in obdavčitev ter za izvajanje pravosodja.

Egiptovske province Ptolemejskega kraljestva so bile v celoti pod rimsko oblastjo do upravnih reform v avgustus Dioklecijan (r. 284–305). [7]: 57 V prvih treh stoletjih rimskega Egipta je bila celotna država pod osrednjim rimskim nadzorom enega guvernerja, uradno imenovanega v latinščini: praefectus Alexandreae et Aegypti, lit. „prefekt Aleksandrije in Egipta“ in bolj pogosto latinsko: praefectus Aegypti, lit. „prefekt Egipta“ ali grščina Koinē: ἔπαρχος Αἰγύπτου, romanizirano: eparhos Aigyptou, lit. "Egiptovski eparh". [7]: 57 Dvojni naziv guvernerja kot prefekta "Aleksandrije in Egipta" odraža razlike med zgornjim in spodnjim Egiptom in Aleksandrijo, saj Aleksandrija, zunaj delte Nila, ni bila v takrat prevladujočih tradicionalnih geografskih mejah Egipta . [7]: 57

Rimski Egipt je bil edina rimska provinca, katere guverner je bil v rimskem družbenem redu konjeniškega ranga, vsi drugi so bili senatorskega razreda in so služili kot rimski senatorji, vključno z nekdanjimi rimskimi konzuli, vendar je imel egipčanski prefekt bolj ali manj enakovredna civilna in vojaška pooblastila (imperij) prokonzulu, saj je rimsko pravo (a lex) mu podelil "prokonzular imperij"(Latinica: imperium ad similitudinem proconsulis). [7] : 57 Unlike in senatorially-governed provinces, the prefect was responsible for the collection of certain taxes and for the organization of the all-important grain shipments from Egypt (including the annona). [7] : 58 Because of these financial responsibilities, the governor's administration had to be closely controlled and organized. [7] : 58 The governorship of Egypt was the second-highest office available to the equestrian class on the cursus honorum (after that of the praetorian prefect (Latin: praefectus praetorio), the commander of the imperial Praetorian Guard) and one of the highest-paid, receiving an annual salary of 200,000 sesterces (a "ducenarian" post). [7] : 58 The prefect was appointed at the emperor's discretion officially the governors' status and responsibilities mirrored those of the augustus himself: his fairness (aequitas, 'equality') and his foresight (providentia, 'providence'). [7] : 58 From the early 2nd century, service as the governor of Egypt was frequently the penultimate stage in the career of a praetorian prefect. [7] : 58

The governor's powers as prefect, which included the rights to make edicts (ius edicendi) and, as the supreme judicial authority, to order capital punishment (ius gladii, 'right of swords'), expired as soon as his successor arrived in the provincial capital at Alexandria, who then also took up overall command of the Roman legions of the Egyptian garrison. [7] : 58 (Initially, three legions were stationed in Egypt, with only two from the reign of Tiberius ( r . 14–37 AD ).) [7] : 58 The official duties of the praefectus Aegypti are well known because enough records survive to reconstruct a mostly complete official calendar (fasti) of the governors' engagements. [7] : 57 Yearly in Lower Egypt, and once every two years in Upper Egypt, the praefectus Aegypti held a conventus (Koinē Greek: διαλογισμός , romanized: dialogismos, lit. 'dialogue'), during which legal trials were conducted and administrative officials' practices were examined, usually between January (Ianuarius) and April (Aprilis) in the Roman calendar. [7] : 58 Evidence exists of more than 60 edicts issued by the Roman governors of Egypt. [7] : 58

To the government at Alexandria besides the prefect of Egypt, the Roman emperors appointed several other subordinate procurators for the province, all of equestrian rank and, at least from the reign of Commodus ( r . 176–192 ) of similar, "ducenarian" salary bracket. [7] : 58 The administrator of the Idios Logos, responsible for special revenues like the proceeds of bona caduca property, and the iuridicus (Koinē Greek: δικαιοδότης , romanized: dikaiodotes, lit. 'giver of laws'), the senior legal official, were both imperially appointed. [7] : 58 From the reign of Hadrian ( r . 117–138 ), the financial powers of the prefect and the control of the Egyptian temples and priesthoods was devolved to other procurators, a dioiketes ( διοικητής ), the chief financial officer, and an archiereus ( ἀρχιερεύς , 'archpriest'). [7] : 58 A procurator could deputize as the prefect's representative where necessary. [7] : 58

Procurators were also appointed from among the freedmen (manumitted slaves) of the imperial household, including the powerful procurator usiacus, responsible for state property in the province. [7] : 58 Other procurators were responsible for revenue farming of state monopolies (the procurator ad Mercurium), oversight of farm lands (the procurator episkepseos), of the warehouses of Alexandria (the procurator Neaspoleos), and of exports and emigration (the procurator Phari, 'procurator of the Pharos'). [7] : 58 These roles are poorly attested, with often the only surviving information beyond the names of the offices is a few names of the incumbents. In general, the central provincial administration of Egypt is no better-known than the Roman governments of other provinces, since, unlike in the rest of Egypt, the conditions for the preservation of official papyri were very unfavourable at Alexandria. [7] : 58

Local government in the hinterland (Koinē Greek: χώρα , romanized: khṓrā, lit. 'countryside') outside Alexandria was divided into traditional regions known as nomoi. [7] : 58 To each nome the prefect appointed a strategos (Koinē Greek: στρατηγός , romanized: stratēgós, lit. 'general') the strategoi were civilian administrators, without military functions, who performed much of the government of the country in the prefect's name and were themselves drawn from the Egyptian upper classes. [7] : 58 The strategoi in each of the mētropoleis were the senior local officials, served as intermediaries between the prefect and the villages, and were legally responsible for the administration and their own conduct while in office for several years. [7] : 58 Each strategos was supplemented by a royal scribe ( βασιλικός γραμματεύς , basilikós grammateús, 'royal secretary'). [7] : 58 These scribes were responsible for their nome's financial affairs, including administration of all property, land, land revenues, and temples, and what remains of their record-keeping is unparalleled in the ancient world for its completeness and complexity. [7] : 58 The royal scribes could act as proxy for the strategoi, but each reported directly to Alexandria, where dedicated financial secretaries – appointed for each individual nome – oversaw the accounts: an eklogistes in a graphon ton nomon. [7] : 58 The eklogistes was responsible for general financial affairs while the graphon ton nomon likely dealt with matters relating to the Idios Logos. [7] : 58–59

The nomoi were grouped traditionally into those of Upper and Lower Egypt, the two divisions each being known as an "epistrategy" after the chief officer, the epistrategos ( ἐπιστράτηγος , epistratēgós, 'over-general'), each of whom was also a Roman procurator. Soon after the Roman annexation, a new epistrategy was formed, encompassing the area just south of Memphis and the Faiyum region and named "the Heptanomia and the Arsinoite nome". [7] : 58 In the Nile Delta however, power was wielded by two of the epistrategoi. [7] : 58 The epistrategos's role was mainly to mediate between the prefect in Alexandria and the strategoi v mētropoleis, and they had few specific administrative duties, performing a more general function. [7] : 58 Their salary was sexagenarian – 60,000 sesterces annually. [7] : 58

Each village or kome ( κώμη , kṓmē) was served by a village scribe ( κωμογραμματεύς , kōmogrammateús, 'secretary of the kome'), whose term, possibly paid, was usually held for three years. [7] : 59 Each, to avoid conflicts of interest, was appointed to a community away from their home village, as they were required to inform the strategoi in epistrategoi of the names of persons due to perform unpaid public service as part of the liturgy system. [7] : 59 They were required to be literate and had various duties as official clerks. [7] : 59 Other local officials drawn from the liturgy system served for a year in their home kome they included the practor ( πράκτωρ , práktōr, 'executor'), who collected certain taxes, as well as security officers, granary officials ( σιτολόγοι , sitologoi, 'grain collectors'), public cattle drivers ( δημόσιοι kτηνοτρόφοι , dēmósioi ktēnotróphoi, 'cattleherds of the demos'), and cargo supervisors ( ἐπίπλοοι , epiploöi). [7] : 59 Other liturgical officials were responsible for other specific aspects of the economy: a suite of officials was each responsible for arranging supplies of particular necessity in the course of the prefect's official tours. [7] : 59 The liturgy system extended to most aspects of Roman administration by the reign of Trajan ( r . 98–117 ), though constant efforts were made by people eligible for such duties to escape their imposition. [7] : 59

The reforms of the early 4th century had established the basis for another 250 years of comparative prosperity in Aegyptus, at a cost of perhaps greater rigidity and more oppressive state control. Aegyptus was subdivided for administrative purposes into a number of smaller provinces, and separate civil and military officials were established the praeses and the dux. The province was under the supervision of the count of the Orient (i.e. the vicar) of the diocese headquartered in Antioch in Syria.

Emperor Justinian abolished the Diocese of Egypt in 538 and re-combined civil and military power in the hands of the dux with a civil deputy (praeses) as a counterweight to the power of the church authorities. All pretense of local autonomy had by then vanished. The presence of the soldiery was more noticeable, its power and influence more pervasive in the routine of town and village life.

The Roman army was among the most homogenous Roman structures, and the organization of the army in Egypt differed little from its organization elsewhere in the Roman Empire. The Roman legions were recruited from Roman citizens and the Roman auxilia recruited from the non-citizen subjects. [8] : 69

Egypt was unique in that its garrison was commanded by the praefectus Aegypti, an official of the equestrian order, rather than, as in other provinces, a governor of the senatorial class. [8] : 75 This distinction was stipulated in a law promulgated by Augustus, and, because it was unthinkable that an equestrian should command a senator, the commanders of the legions in Egypt were themselves, uniquely, of equestrian rank. [8] : 75 As a result of these strictures, the governor was rendered unable to build up a rival power base (as Mark Antony had been able to do), while the military legati commanding the legions were career soldiers, formerly centurions with the senior rank of primus pilus, rather than politicians whose military experience was limited to youthful service as a military tribune. [8] : 75 Beneath the praefectus Aegypti, the overall commander of legions and auxilia stationed in Egypt was styled in Latin: praefectus stratopedarches, from the Greek: στρατοπεδάρχης , romanized: stratopedárchēs, lit. 'camp commander', or as Latin: praefectus exercitu qui est in Aegypto, lit. 'prefect of the army in Egypt'. [8] : 75–76 Collectively, these forces were known as the exercitus Aegyptiacus, 'Army of Egypt'. [8] : 76

The Roman garrison was concentrated at Nicopolis, a district of Alexandria, rather than at the strategic heart of the country around Memphis and Egyptian Babylon. [9] : 37 Alexandria was the Mediterranean's second city in the early Roman empire, the cultural capital of the Greek East and rival to Rome under Antony and Cleopatra. [9] : 37 Because only a few papyri are preserved from the area, little more is known about the legionaries' everyday life than is known from other provinces of the empire, and little evidence exists of the military practices of the prefect and his officers. [8] : 75 Most papyri have been found in Middle Egypt's villages, and the texts are primarily concerned with local affairs, rarely giving space to high politics and military matters. [8] : 70 Not much is known about the military encampments of the Roman imperial period, since many are underwater or have been built over and because Egyptian archaeology has traditionally taken little interest in Roman sites. [8] : 70 Because they supply a record of soldiers' service history, six bronze Roman military diplomas dating between 83 and 206 are the main source of documentary evidence for the auxilia in Egypt these inscribed certificates rewarded 25 or 26 years of military service in the auxilia with Roman citizenship and the right of conubium. [8] : 70–71 That the army was more Greek-speaking than in other provinces is certain. [8] : 75

The heart of the Army of Egypt was the Nicopolis garrison at Alexandria, with at least one legion permanently stationed there, along with a strong force of auxilia cavalry. [8] : 71 These troops would both guard the residence of the praefectus Aegypti against uprisings among the Alexandrians and were poised to march quickly to any point at the prefect's command. [8] : 71–72 At Alexandria too was the Classis Alexandrina, the provincial fleet of the Roman Navy in Egypt. [8] : 71 In the 2nd and 3rd centuries, there were around 8,000 soldiers at Alexandria, a fraction of the megalopolis's huge population. [8] : 72

Initially, the legionary garrison of Roman Egypt consisted of three legions: the Legio III Cyrenaica, the Legio XXII Deiotariana, and one other legion. [8] : 70 The station and identity of this third legion is not known for sure, and it is not known precisely when it was withdrawn from Egypt, though it was certainly before 23 AD, during the reign of Tiberius ( r . 14–37 ). [8] : 70 In the reign of Tiberius's step-father and predecessor Augustus, the legions had been stationed at Nicopolis and at Egyptian Babylon, and perhaps at Thebes. [8] : 70 After August 119, the III Cyrenaica was ordered out of Egypt the XXII Deiotariana was transferred sometime afterwards, and before 127/8, the Legio II Traiana arrived, to remain as the main component of the Army of Egypt for two centuries. [8] : 70

After some fluctuations in the size and positions of the auxilia garrison in the early decades of Roman Egypt, relating to the conquest and pacification of the country, the auxilia contingent was mostly stable during the Principate, increasing somewhat towards the end of the 2nd century, and with some individual formations remaining in Egypt for centuries at a time. [8] : 71 Three or four alae of cavalry were stationed in Egypt, each ala numbering around 500 horsemen. [8] : 71 There were between seven and ten cohortes od auxilia infantry, each cohors about 500 hundred strong, although some were cohortes equitatae – mixed units of 600 men, with infantry and cavalry in a roughly 4:1 ratio. [8] : 71 Besides the auxilia stationed at Alexandria, at least three detachments permanently garrisoned the southern border, on the Nile's First Cataract around Philae and Syene (Aswan), protecting Egypt from enemies to the south and guarding against rebellion in the Thebaid. [8] : 72

Besides the main garrison at Alexandrian Nicopolis and the southern border force, the disposition of the rest of the Army of Egypt is not clear, though many soldiers are known to have been stationed at various outposts (praesidia), including those defending roads and remote natural resources from attack. [8] : 72 Roman detachments, centuriones, in beneficiarii maintained order in the Nile Valley, but about their duties little is known, as little evidence survives, though they were, in addition to the strategoi od nomoi, the prime local representatives of the Roman state. [8] : 73 Archaeological work led by Hélène Cuvigny has revealed many ostraca (inscribed ceramic fragments) which give unprecedently detailed information on the lives of soldiers stationed in the Eastern Desert along the Coptos–Myos Hormos road and at the imperial granite quarry at Mons Claudianus. [8] : 72 Another Roman outpost, known from an inscription, existed on Farasan, the chief island of the Red Sea's Farasan Islands off the west coast of the Arabian Peninsula. [8] : 72

As in other provinces, many of the Roman soldiers in Egypt were recruited locally, not only among the non-citizen auxilia, but among the legionaries as well, who were required to have Roman citizenship. [8] : 73 An increasing proportion of the Army of Egypt was of local origin in the reign of the Flavian dynasty, with an even higher proportion – as many as three quarters of legionaries – under the Severan dynasty. [8] : 73 Of these, around one third were themselves the offspring (Latin: castrenses, lit. 'camp-men') of soldiers, raised in the canabae settlements surrounding the army's base at Nicopolis, while only about one eighth were Alexandrian citizens. [8] : 73 Egyptians were given Roman-style Latin names on joining the army unlike in other provinces, indigenous names are nearly unknown among the local soldiers of the Army of Egypt. [8] : 74

One of the surviving military diplomas lists the soldier's birthplace as Coptos, while others demonstrate that soldiers and centurions from elsewhere retired to Egypt: auxilia veterans from Chios and Hippo Regius (or Hippos) are named. [8] : 73–74 Evidence from the 2nd century suggests most auxilia came from Egypt, with others drawn from the provinces of Africa in Syria, and from Roman Asia Minor. [8] : 73–74 Auxilia from the Balkans, who served throughout the Roman army, also served in Egypt: many Dacian names are known from ostraca in the Trajanic period, perhaps connected with the recruitment of Dacians during and after Trajan's Dacian Wars they are predominantly cavalrymen's names, with some infantrymen's. [8] : 74 Thracians, common in the army in other Roman provinces, were also present, and an auxiliary diploma from the Egyptian garrison has been found in Thracia. [8] : 74 Two auxilia diplomas connect Army of Egypt veterans with Syria, including one naming Apamea. [8] : 74 Large numbers of recruits mustered in Asia Minor may have supplemented the garrison after the Kitos War against a Jewish uprising in Egypt and Syria. [8] : 74

The social structure in Aegyptus under the Romans was both unique and complicated. On the one hand, the Romans continued to use many of the same organizational tactics that were in place under the leaders of the Ptolemaic period. At the same time, the Romans saw the Greeks in Aegyptus as “Egyptians”, an idea that both the native Egyptians and Greeks would have rejected. [10] To further compound the whole situation, Jews, who themselves were very Hellenized overall, had their own communities, separate from both Greeks and native Egyptians. [10]

The Romans began a system of social hierarchy that revolved around ethnicity and place of residence. Other than Roman citizens, a Greek citizen of one of the Greek cities had the highest status, and a rural Egyptian would be in the lowest class. [11] In between those classes was the metropolite, who was almost certainly of Hellenic origin. Gaining citizenship and moving up in ranks was very difficult and there were not many available options for ascendancy. [12]

One of the routes that many followed to ascend to another caste was through enlistment in the army. Although only Roman citizens could serve in the legions, many Greeks found their way in. The native Egyptians could join the auxiliary forces and attain citizenship upon discharge. [13] The different groups had different rates of taxation based on their social class. The Greeks were exempt from the poll tax, while Hellenized inhabitants of the nome capitals were taxed at a lower rate than the native Egyptians, who could not enter the army, and paid the full poll tax. [14]

The social structure in Aegyptus is very closely linked to the governing administration. Elements of centralized rule that were derived from the Ptolemaic period lasted into the 4th century. One element in particular was the appointment of strategoi to govern the ‘nomes’, the traditional administrative divisions of Egypt. Boulai, or town councils, in Egypt were only formally constituted by Septimius Severus. It was only under Diocletian later in the 3rd century that these boulai and their officers acquired important administrative responsibilities for their nomes. The Augustan takeover introduced a system of compulsory public service, which was based on poros (property or income qualification), which was wholly based on social status and power. The Romans also introduced the poll tax which was similar to tax rates that the Ptolemies levied, but the Romans gave special low rates to citizens of mētropoleis. [15] The city of Oxyrhynchus had many papyri remains that contain much information on the subject of social structure in these cities. This city, along with Alexandria, shows the diverse set-up of various institutions that the Romans continued to use after their takeover of Egypt.

Just as under the Ptolemies, Alexandria and its citizens had their own special designations. The capital city enjoyed a higher status and more privileges than the rest of Egypt. Just as it was under the Ptolemies, the primary way of becoming a citizen of Roman Alexandria was through showing when registering for a deme that both parents were Alexandrian citizens. Alexandrians were the only Egyptians that could obtain Roman citizenship. [16]

If a common Egyptian wanted to become a Roman citizen he would first have to become an Alexandrian citizen. The Augustan period in Egypt saw the creation of urban communities with “Hellenic” landowning elites. These landowning elites were put in a position of privilege and power and had more self-administration than the Egyptian population. Within the citizenry, there were gymnasiums that Greek citizens could enter if they showed that both parents were members of the gymnasium based on a list that was compiled by the government in 4–5 AD. [17]

The candidate for the gymnasium would then be let into the ephebus. There was also the council of elders known as the gerousia. This council of elders did not have a boulai to answer to. All of this Greek organization was a vital part of the metropolis and the Greek institutions provided an elite group of citizens. The Romans looked to these elites to provide municipal officers and well-educated administrators. [17] These elites also paid lower poll-taxes than the local native Egyptians, fellahin. It is well documented that Alexandrians in particular were able to enjoy lower tax-rates on land. [18]

These privileges even extended to corporal punishments. Romans were protected from this type of punishment while native Egyptians were whipped. Alexandrians, on the other hand, had the privilege of merely being beaten with a rod. [19] Although Alexandria enjoyed the greatest status of the Greek cities in Egypt, it is clear that the other Greek cities, such as Antinoöpolis, enjoyed privileges very similar to the ones seen in Alexandria. [20] All of these changes amounted to the Greeks being treated as an ally in Egypt and the native Egyptians were treated as a conquered race. [ potreben citat ]

The Gnomon of the Idios Logos shows the connection between law and status. It lays out the revenues it deals with, mainly fines and confiscation of property, to which only a few groups were apt. The Gnomon also confirms that a freed slave takes his former master's social status. The Gnomon demonstrates the social controls that the Romans had in place through monetary means based on status and property.


Ancient Greece

Dress in ancient Greece was generally for comfort during the warm weather. Both men and women wore a tunic called the chiton. It was a rectangular piece of fabric draped by the wearer in various ways. Sometimes it was sewn up one side. Generally it was fastened at either one or both shoulders by a clasp, pin, or brooch. The woman’s chiton fell to the ankles the man’s usually reached only to the knees. The chiton was made of wool, cotton, linen, or silk. Fabric colors included white, yellow, purple, red, and green.

Two types of chitons were worn in ancient Greece. The Doric chiton was folded over at the top and held at the waist by a tied belt. The Ionic chiton, made of a lighter material, was closely pleated and had wide false sleeves. In time, the differences between the chitons began to disappear as the Doric was made of a lighter material and the Ionic lost its sleeves.

Women also wore a tunic called the peplos. The top of the peplos was folded over, looking like a second garment draped down to the waist. It was fastened at the shoulders and belted. In colder weather women would add a shawl called the epiblema. Young men wore the chlamys, a short cloak that was folded over the shoulders, especially while riding horses. In colder weather the himation—a large, loosely draped cloak—was worn fastened over one shoulder. Sometimes men would wear a wide-brimmed hat to help protect them from the sun’s rays.


Tunic

The custom of burying the dead fully clothed and wrapped in multiple layers of fabrics began in Coptic Christian communities in Egypt in the 3rd century AD.

This natural-coloured wool tunic with tapestry woven ornaments was for a young child. Its decoration suggests it was a more formal tunic than some others found in graves, as it has a very full complement of ornaments: neck-bands, shoulder-bands, sleeve-bands, shoulder and skirt-squares and hem-bands with upturned ends. The side seams are left open at the top for the child's arms, but it is also equipped with narrow sleeves which could have been used as leading strings. However, the tunic is in a very good condition so it is possible that the little child never wore it in life.

Child's overtunic, woven in cruciform shape on the loom, of natural-coloured (now yellow) wool with woven ornaments in coloured wools and undyed linen thread. The wools are all S spun (possibly of local manufacture). The design is the same back and front although the back is now damaged by body fluids. The tunic has cuff bands, two square panels on the shoulders, a neck-border with pendant medallions, two squares at the bottom and a border round the hem with pendant medallions. The ornaments have a blue ground and are edged with red. They are woven with heads, animals, birds, flowers, circles and other symbols. There are three stripes of red and blue weft-twining on either side of the neck they end in coloured pom-poms, and there are two more stripes of weft-twining at the armpits (these were utilised as guidelines when weaving and also reinforced the turns). The tunic has been woven from proper left side, with starting edge, to right, where warp ends have been twisted into a cord. The woven decorations are also woven left to right, and when made into a tunic, all face sideways. The blanket stitches in natural coloured wool along the neck- and hem borders, are not only decorative, but also strengthen the longer transition between tapestry weave and plain weave. The tunic is left open at the armpits.

Originally the tunic had a waist tuck. Marks of stitches and the remains of sewing thread show a tuck of about 14 cm. The tuck must have been let out prior to burial as the waste discharged from the body covers the whole textile.

Given by Major R. G. Gayer-Anderson Pasha (d. 1945) and Lt. Col. T. G. Gayer-Anderson, C.M.G., S.S.O., The Little Hall Lavenham, Suffolk. At the time of acquisition, five pieces of material for mending were noted in the Accession Register. The Major had corresponded with the V&A since October 2nd 1942, on which date he confirmed what had occurred during a discussion on his and his brother's collections. The said collections were evidently 'scattered (for safety's sake), and confused so that I am now in process of reassembling them here one after the other - and as I do so will forward them at intervals addressed to the Director, Victoria and Albert Museum, S. Kensington if this is in order'. The first items were to be the textiles, Mogul miniatures and Turkish silver. He continued, 'As you and I more or less formulated at our interview, my brother. and I would like the Victoria and Albert to take from each collection. whatever objects it may desire to add (1) to its standing and (2) to its "transport" and travelling collections.' The rest should be submitted to other museums or institutions in London or the provinces, and anything left over to the British Red Cross in London to be disposed of at their occasional sales of antiques. The brothers wished the museum to attach their names as joint donors, and to display the objects as far as possible. The first trunk was delivered on 12/10/1942 and consisted mainly of textiles. They fell into five categories: Oriental textiles (29 pieces), Oriental Garments (56 pieces), Persian and Turkish Lace Edgings (an assortment), ?European Lace (white and red) removed from late Turkish garments (scrolls), and Coptic Textiles (shirts and panels etc) in 7 packets (about 100 pieces in all). Particular value was placed on the Coptic textiles and ideally, the brothers wanted what the V&A did not keep to be passed on as a 'Gayer-Anderson collection' to one museum rather than split up. In a later letter (4/11/1942) he indicated that he would like the Manchester Museum privileged as he had already donated Coptic textiles to them, and he added the Kingston-on-Thames School of Art (Surrey County Council) as a possible beneficiary for the same reasons (18/06/1943).

Of the Coptic pieces, the Major wrote: 'It is regretted that most of these pieces are in an unwashed and unironed crude condition and will require treatment and setting up. This applies especially to the many complete or semi complete examples of SHIRTS'. He added a note explaining, however, that 'All these speciments have been soaked and all major impurities removed'. The contents of each pack are described roughly by number and size (1/10/1942). Miss Clayton of the Department of Textiles was to make the decisions about the textile donations, but this decision was shelved until after the War so that the Museum could compare the pieces with their own collection which was not currently available (Sir Eric Maclagan to the Major, 10/11/1942). Four years later, after the death of the Major, his brother reminded the Museum of its commitment to selecting textiles and passing on others (26/03/1946). Interestingly, the response from the Keeper of Textiles indicated that he was afraid that it might take a little time 'as a number of the Coptic pieces will have to be cleaned before we can form a just opinion about them' in addition much of the collection was not yet back in the museum for the purposes of comparison and the department was short-staffed (George Winfield Digby, 29/04/1946). In December, the Keeper of the Manchester Museum wrote to investigate how far the V&A had progressed in their selection (R.U. Sayer, 2/12/1946). Early in 1947, the decision was made to retain nine pieces, including this child's tunic (2/01/1947). The other eight pieces are now V&A nos. T.8-19-1947. The remaining pieces were duly dispatched to Manchester with an indication that Kingston-on-Thames was next on the list. They had arrived in Manchester by 20/01/1947 and awaited attention from the specialist, Miss Laura Start. On 30 January 1947, James Laver wrote to Col. T. G. Gayer-Anderson to thank him and inform him of the action taken.

Note: The Major had worked in the Colonial Service in Egypt in the 1920s (Frances Pritchard, Clothing Culture: Dress in Egypt in the First Millennium AD. Manchester: Whitworth Art Gallery, 2006, p. 9).

Historical significance: Significant as a relatively rare survival of a child's tunic, with full formal decoration and in good state.

The construction of the tunic was similar for men, women and children: it was made in one piece, which was folded over the shoulders and sewn together along the sides. Sometimes the seam directly under the armpits was open - or both the sleeve seams and the side seams were open. A belt, woven, braided, knitted or tablet woven, was worn to hold the folds of the garment in place.

In the 4th century the technique was improved by weaving the garment in a single section with a slit for the neckline. The garment was woven lengthwise on a loom. Weaving started at the end of one of the sleeves and continued through the body section and then the second sleeve (as in this tunic). This technique required numerous warp threads on a very wide loom. The woven scenes were worked at same time as the base fabric. With the transfer of the Roman empire to Byzantium in 395 AD the sleeves gradually seem to have become narrower and the patterns richer. Woollen (rather than linen) tunics seem to have gradually become more common. Apart from the change in the sleeve fitting, the trunk volume increased. The tight sleeves held the masses of cloth in place.

In this example, the sleeves are incredibly narrow, and could have been used as leading strings (a way of holding on to a child, a little like reins), but would also have kept the wide tunic in place. The tunic is in very good condition given that it came from a tomb. Furthermore, many other preserved children's tunics show signs of wear and tear of life, and several have been repeatedly patched (maybe recycled from child to child). Indeed, this tunic may never have been worn in life. It is a formal tunic with a very full complement of ornaments - neck-bands, shoulder-bands, sleeve-bands, shoulder and skirt-squares, and hem-bands with upturned ends. The patterns of these bands and panels, with human heads, birds and animals in various colours on a blue ground, are imitated from the repeating patterns of a class of much favoured blue silk textiles, woven on the drawloom.

The original broad tuck at the waist of this example seems to have been let out just before burial (the body fluids cover the let down tuck uninterrupted), as the stitch marks are still evident and there are even remains of sewing thread, suggesting a quick unpicking. The waist tuck on children's clothes might fulfil a possible need for letting out to allow for growth, but in this case, it is likely the purpose was to cover the lower body of the dead child (the length of the tunic, with tuck in place, might suggest a boy - see similar tunic in Gothenburg: Erikson, Marianne, Textiles in Egypt 200-1500 AD in Swedish Museum Collections (Göteborg: Röhsska Museet,1997), pp. 84-91).

The custom of burying the dead fully clothed and wrapped in multiple layers of fabrics began in the 3rd century. Although found in graves, only a small number of tunics were actually made as funerary clothing and shrouds. Much of the clothing on corpses was not new, but there are also examples of not completely finished garments. The high mortality rate among children is reflected by the large quantities of children's clothing recovered from burials.

The custom of burying the dead fully clothed and wrapped in multiple layers of fabrics began in Coptic Christian communities in Egypt in the 3rd century AD.

This natural-coloured wool tunic with tapestry woven ornaments was for a young child. Its decoration suggests it was a more formal tunic than some others found in graves, as it has a very full complement of ornaments: neck-bands, shoulder-bands, sleeve-bands, shoulder and skirt-squares and hem-bands with upturned ends. The side seams are left open at the top for the child's arms, but it is also equipped with narrow sleeves which could have been used as leading strings. However, the tunic is in a very good condition so it is possible that the little child never wore it in life.


An Egyptian Child’s tunic from the Mamluk period

This tunic has been dated to the Mamluk period. It is linen, embroidered with dark brown silk. The ground linen has a thread count of 20 per cm. The dimensions of the garment is wider in the sleeves than the length- the height of the shirt is 57 cm and the width in the sleeves is 63.5 cm. This type of shirt represents a break from the Coptic full piece woven tunic. The tailor who made it would have made it the same as adult’s clothes, though cut down from other larger embroidered pieces.
The embroidery is pattern darning, on the gores, sleeves and a “necklace” at the slit of the neckline. The pattern darning also goes down the front and back of the tunic. The tunic’s width is mostly from the gores. The main “body” of the tunic is only slightly wider than the neck hole. The seams are a run and fell seam, as seen today on blue jeans. The embroidery found on children’s garments can vary greatly. I will see about charting this pattern darning style soon.

The tunic is in the Ashmolean Jameel Centre. I highly recommend following the link, as the HD zoom is wonderful.

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Clavus/clavi

G illian Vogelsang-Eastwood and Tineke Rooijakkers discuss the significance of clavi in the early Roman era in the Berg Encyclopedia of World Dress and Fashion (2010):

“Elite men in the early Roman period donned white garments with purple clavi (two vertical bands running down the front and back). Women, on the other hand, wore clothing in various colors, also with clavi. By the late Roman period, garments were increasingly decorated with borders, roundels (round, rectangular, or star-shaped ornaments) and short clavi. During the Byzantine period that followed, the detail within the roundels and clavi became more ornate and colorful, including floral, animal, and human depictions and showing mythological (often Dionysian) scenes.”

The tunic in figure 1 has short clavi on its shoulders and pairs of roundels on the shoulders and body. These designs were tapestry-woven separately and then applied to the linen.

Sara Pendergast, Tom Pendergast, Drew D. Johnson, and Julie L. Carnagie describe the purpose of the clavi in relation to the chlamys, or tunic, in Fashion, Costume, and Culture: Clothing, Headwear, Body Decorations, and Footwear Through the Ages (2013):

“Chlamys, like the one worn by the man on the left, offered warmth and decoration and were often adorned with clavi, or purple stripes.”

Clavi did not have to be a certain color, though red was popular, and likewise, tunics could be a range of colors (Fig. 2) (The Metropolitan Museum of Art).

Phyllis Tortora and Sara Marcketti describe the function and appearance of clavi in their Survey of Historic Costume (2015):

“Beginning in Republican times, senators were distinguished by their dress. Their tunics (and those of the emperor) had broad purple bands that extended vertically from hem to hem across the shoulders. These bands were called clavi (clah’vee), the plural form of clavus (clah’vus).” (91-92)

A pair of clavi whose tunic is long gone can be seen in figure 3. They are highly detailed, with figures of humans and animals.

Carolyn Bradley describes the function and appearance of a clavus in the Western World Costume (1954) as a:

“scarlet and purple stripe worn on the tunica, showing class distinction, used until the 3rd century band of embroidery used in 3rd and 4th centuries.” (76)

Most textiles this old no longer show their original colors. Tyrian purple was a bright reddish-purple color, not the violet we think of as ‘purple’ today, and the clavi and roundels on the tunic in in figure 4 may have originally been a similar color.

Herbert Norris describes the appearance and details of clavi in his Ancient European Costume and Fashion (1999):

Clavi become obsolete as badges of rank. At the end of the first century both clavi lost their significance as badges of rank, since they were used as a fashionable adjunct to the tunica in general, and also worn by women. When the dalmatica came into use, the angustus clavus became its characteristics decoration…During the third and fourth centuries A.D. the clavus was employed not only as a band of plain colour, but frequently as strips of embroidery of beautiful design, or the pattern was woven into the material.” (106)

Fig. 1 - Designer unknown (Egyptian). Richly Decorated Tunic, 660–870 (radiocarbon date, 95% probability). Wool tapestry weave textile (including sleeves): 201 cm x 119.1 cm (79 1/8 in x 46 7/8 in). New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 12.185.2. Gift of Maurice Nahman, 1912. Source: MMA

Fig. 2 - Designer unknown (Egyptian). Tunic, 670-870. Plain woven wool, with appliqué ornaments tapestry-woven in coloured wool and linen on linen warps 131 cm x 209 cm (including sleeves). London: The Victoria and Albert Museum, 291-1891. Source: VAM

Fig. 3 - Designer unknown (Egyptian). Two Shoulder Bands (clavi), 7th–9th century A.D.. Linen and wool 10 x 62 cm (3 15/16 x 24 7/16 in). Boston: Museum of Fine Arts, 17.1392a-b. Denman Waldo Ross Collection. Source: MFA Boston

Fig. 4 - Artist unknown (Egyptian). Tunic, probably 5th century. Linen, wool 169 x 140 cm (66.5 x 55 in). New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 26.9.6. Gift of Edward S. Harkness, 1926. Source: MMA


Cloaks

Pallium

The pallium was a worn by both men and women (known as palla for women). It was a rectangular piece of colorful fabric, mostly wool or silk.

Paenula

Worn by both men and women, paenula is a cloak with a hood that was worn during bad weather for protection. If this cloak was made from leather, it was called paenula scortae, and if it was made with heavy felt, the name would be paenula gausapina.

Lacerna

The lacerna, a military cloak, was worn only by people belonging to the middle class. However, many high class people would wear bight-colored lacerna, whereas people belonging to the lower class wore cheaper, dull, and dark cloaks.

Sagum

The sagum is a cloak that was worn by Roman soldiers and officers alike. A shorter version of sagum, called sagulum, was also worn that would reach till the hips.

Laena

The laena was a thick, round-shaped cloak that was folded twice at the shoulders as it was made with heavy fabric.

Paludamentum

The red cloak, called the paludamentum, was worn only by the commander-in-chief (consul or dictator) in the republican times. As part of the ceremony, the commander-in-chief would be given the cloak as it was the symbol of imperial power.

Thus we can see how the various flowing garments formed a part of the ancient Roman culture. Today, we can still catch glimpses of the ancient Roman clothing in many modern attires and designs.