Sistem kast - zgodovina

Sistem kast - zgodovina


We are searching data for your request:

Forums and discussions:
Manuals and reference books:
Data from registers:
Wait the end of the search in all databases.
Upon completion, a link will appear to access the found materials.


Sistem kast v Indiji

Indijska družba je družbeno-politično razslojena. Kastni sistem prevladuje že stoletja in ljudi razvršča v družbene sloje ali razrede. Čeprav je ta sistem podoben konceptu rasizma, ki prevladuje v zahodnih državah, kjer so ljudje diskriminirani glede na barvo kože, so v Indiji ljudje družbeno različni glede na pleme, regijo, razred in vero. To pomeni, da se ob rojstvu otroka njegov status v družbeni hierarhiji določi na podlagi kaste, v katero je rojen. Kastni sistem postane ovira pri rasti ljudi in naroda.

Pomen kaste

Kasto, ki je znana tudi kot "Jati" ali "Varna", lahko opredelimo kot dedne razrede hindujske družbe ali razvrstitev posameznikov v hierarhično razvrščene razrede, ki postanejo identiteta posameznika v času njegovega/njenega rojstva. Po hindujskih šastrah v Indiji obstajajo štiri dedne kaste, in sicer Brahmin, Kshatriya, Vaisya in Sudra.

Brahmani so na vrhu kastne hierarhije in jih sestavljajo učenjaki in duhovniki. Naslednji na vrsti so Kšatrije, ki veljajo za vojake in politične voditelje. Temu sledijo Vaišje ali trgovci. Zadnji v hierarhiji so Sudre, ki so običajno služabniki, delavci, obrtniki ali kmetje. Obstajajo tudi nedotakljivi, ki veljajo za odvečne in opravljajo poklice, kot so odstranjevanje odmrlih živali in čiščenje. Nedotakljivi ne sodijo med uvrščene kaste.

Ljudje teh razredov se preživljajo s posebnimi poklici in otroci, rojeni v njihovih družinah, sledijo temu, pridobijo ustrezen poklic po svoji kasti ali jati in tako ohranijo hierarhično razvrstitev poklicev in dedno specializacijo poklica.

Ustrezni rituali, pravila in predpisi urejajo poklicne dejavnosti in ustrezno družbeno vedenje ljudi teh razredov, vključno s pravili, povezanimi s poroko.

Izvor in zgodovina kastnega sistema v Indiji

Obstaja veliko teorij o izvoru kastnega sistema v državi. Medtem ko je nekaj teh teorij zgodovinskih, so nekatere verske ali biološke. Splošno sprejete teorije o kastnem sistemu ni.

Če gremo po starodavni hindujski knjigi "Rig Veda", je človeško telo ustvaril "Purush" tako, da se je uničil. Različne kaste ali varne so nastale iz različnih delov njegovega telesa. Pravijo, da so Brahmani nastali iz njegove glave, Ksatriyas je izhajal iz njegovih rok, Vaishias iz njegovih stegen, njegova stopala pa so ustvarila Sudre.

Obstaja še ena teorija o izvoru kastnega sistema, ki navaja, da kaste izvirajo iz različnih delov telesa "Brahme", hindujskega božanstva, imenovanega "Stvarnik sveta." Po tej teoriji gre za poroke med kastami, mešanica krvi ali stik pripadnikov različnih ras velja za grozljiv zločin.

V preteklosti velja, da se je kastni sistem začel v Indiji okoli leta 1500 pred našim štetjem med prihodom Arijcev v državo. Menijo, da so Arijci, ki so imeli svetlo kožo, prihajali iz severne Azije in južne Evrope, kar je bilo v nasprotju s staroselci Indije. Začeli so osvajati regije po vsej severni Indiji, domačine pa so istočasno pognali proti jugu proti goratom v severnem delu države. Arijci so sledili posebnemu družbenemu redu, imenovanemu Varna Vyavastha, ki je sčasoma povzročil štiri hierarhične delitve družbe.

Kodeks ravnanja

Poleg razslojevanja ljudi v različnih kastah so te kaste sledile tudi nekaterim strogim pravilom in predpisom, ki so jih pripadniki kaste versko upoštevali. Pravila, ki se nanašajo zlasti na versko čaščenje, obroke in poroko, so prevladovala v njihovem življenju. Najmanj omejitev in predpisov pa je bilo izvedenih za brahmine in vaišje. Najbolj trpeli so Sudri, saj je na njih veljala večina družbenih zakonov. Nekateri med njimi so bili -

  • Brahmini so lahko dali hrano vsakomur, če je hotel, toda oseba iz nižje kaste se ni smela niti približati kraju, kjer je jedel brahmin.
  • Sudre niso smele vstopiti v templje ali druge bogoslužne prostore, ostali trije razredi pa so imeli polne pravice do čaščenja.
  • Sudre niso smele jemati vode iz ribnikov ali vodnjakov, saj bi njihov dotik onesnažil vodo.
  • Poroke med kastami so bile prepovedane. V mnogih primerih celo poroke znotraj lastne podkaste ali jati niso bile dovoljene.
  • Tudi Sudre so potisnili proti obrobju mesta in jim ni bilo dovoljeno živeti nikjer v bližini brahminov, kštrij in vaishij.

Negativni učinki kastnega sistema na družbo

  • To ovira izbiro poklica glede na njegove želje in posamezniki so prisiljeni prevzeti družinski poklic. To ima za posledico oviranje mobilnosti delovne sile, ki je ovirala rast države.
  • Višji razredi gledajo na nižje razrede zaradi togosti kastnega sistema. Posledica tega je oviranje narodne enotnosti. Nacionalni interesi se pri dajanju pomembnosti kastnim interesom spregledajo.
  • Odlivni sistem nasprotuje normam demokracije. Deluje v smeri zatiranja nižjih razredov, kar ima za posledico izkoriščanje ljudi, ki pripadajo nižji kasti.
  • Nacionalni razvoj in napredek je oviran zaradi globoko zakoreninjenega kastnega sistema.
  • Za nekatere verske spreobrnitve je odgovoren tudi kastni sistem. Prevladovanje brahmanov je spodbudilo Sudre, da so prevzeli krščanstvo, islam in druge religije, saj so jih zamikali filozofija in ideologija teh skupnosti.

Reforme in ustavne določbe

Zgornje kaste so spodnje kaste obravnavale kot svoje sužnje. Družbena razslojenost je povzročila izkoriščanje šudr in nedotakljivih. Tako imenovane višje kaste so imele vodilne položaje v družbi, veri in gospodarstvu države.

Vendar pa so številni družbeni reformatorji, kot je Raja Ram Mohan Roy in drugi, vse svoje življenje dali proti nasprotovanju zlobnim praksam in izobraževanju množic. Ko je Indija zlomila okove suženjstva in je bila ustava oblikovana, so ustanovitelji ustave dodali določbe, da bi zmanjšali škodljive učinke prevladujočega kastnega sistema v državi.

Ustavne določbe

Preambula indijske ustave Indijo zamišlja kot državo, ki izvaja politično, ekonomsko in socialno pravičnost, kot narod, v katerem je zagotovljeno dostojanstvo in enakost statusa državljanov.

Neodvisna indijska ustava je diskriminacijo na podlagi kaste razglasila za nezakonito. Leta 1950 so oblasti, da bi odpravile zgodovinske krivice, uvedle pridržke ali kvote v izobraževalnih ustanovah in na vladnih delovnih mestih za nižje kaste, imenovane plemena po urniku.

Pridržek je bil razširjen na skupino ljudi, ki spadajo med tradicionalne zgornje kaste in najnižje, kar se je leta 1989 nanašalo na druge zaostale razrede (OBC).

14. člen ustave zagotavlja enakost pred zakonom.

Člen 15 (1) Ustave zavezuje državo, naj ne diskriminira na podlagi kaste zoper nobenega državljana. Člen 15 (2) ustave določa, da noben državljan ne sme biti podvržen invalidnosti in omejitvam zaradi rase ali kaste.

17. člen odpravlja prakso nedotakljivosti v kakršni koli obliki.

Člen 15 (4) in (5) pooblašča državo za rezervacije v izobraževalnih ustanovah. Člen 16 (4), 16 (4A), 16 (4B) in člen 335 pooblašča državo, da pri imenovanju pridrži pridržke v korist kast.

330. člen predvideva rezervacijo sedežev v Lok Sabhi za kaste urnikov. Enako velja pod 332. člen v državnih zborih in Člen 243D in člen 340T v organih lokalne samouprave.

Namen teh pridržkov je bil izboljšati položaj prikrajšanih slojev kot začasno pritrdilno, vendar je z leti postala vaja za zbiranje glasov politikov, ki v imenu pridržanja žalijo kastinske skupine zaradi njihovih volilnih koristi.

46. ​​člen ustave skrbi, da so zaščitene pred družbeno krivico in izkoriščanjem vseh oblik.

Deluje tako, da prepoveduje kastni sistem

Da bi zagotovili, da so izpolnjeni mandati, določeni z ustavo, so bili sprejeti tudi številni drugi akti, s katerimi je bilo treba odpraviti diskriminatorne in izkoriščevalske prakse zoper nižje sloje. Sledi nekaj tistih aktov, ki vsem zagotavljajo socialno pravičnost.

  • Zakon o prepovedi zaposlovanja kot čistilci ročnih del in njihova rehabilitacija 2013.
  • Zakon o nedotakljivosti (prekrški) iz leta 1955. Leta 1976 se je preimenoval v Zakon o varstvu državljanskih pravic.
  • Zakon o preprečevanju grozodejstev iz leta 1989.

Sodobna Indija

Scenarij v državi se je z napredkom v tehnologiji, izobraževanju, socialnem pogledu, urbanizaciji in posodobitvi močno spremenil. S širjenjem urbanizacije in veslanja posvetnega izobraževanja se je vpliv kast zmanjšal. To se je zgodilo zlasti v mestih, kjer so medkastne poroke in ljudje različnih kast, ki živijo drug ob drugem v družbah, postali običajni.

Kljub naraščajočim spremembam ima kastna identiteta v družbi še vedno velik pomen. Priimek posameznika močno označuje kasto, ki ji pripada. Država je po osamosvojitvi priča tudi kastinskemu nasilju.

Za to ni mogoče kriviti samo političnih strank, predsodki so v glavah državljanov države. Država se še vedno spopada s problemom kastnega sistema. Veliko dela je treba opraviti, da bi iz države izkoreninili zla kastnega sistema. Zakoni in akti lahko zagotavljajo le zaščito, vendar mora družbo spremeniti dojemanje in odnos.


Sistem kast v Indiji Kratka zgodovina indijske kulture

Indijska družba je družbeno-politično razslojena. Kastni sistem prevladuje že stoletja in ljudi razvršča v družbene sloje ali razrede. Čeprav je ta sistem podoben konceptu rasizma, ki prevladuje v zahodnih državah, kjer so ljudje diskriminirani glede na barvo kože, so v Indiji ljudje družbeno različni glede na pleme, regijo, razred in vero. To pomeni, da se ob rojstvu otroka njegov status v družbeni hierarhiji določi na podlagi kaste, v katero je rojen. Kastni sistem postane ovira pri rasti ljudi in naroda.

Pomen kaste

Kasto, ki je znana tudi kot "Jati" ali "Varna", lahko opredelimo kot dedne razrede hindujske družbe ali razvrstitev posameznikov v hierarhično razvrščene razrede, ki postanejo identiteta posameznika v času njegovega/njenega rojstva. Po hindujskih šastrah v Indiji obstajajo štiri dedne kaste, in sicer Brahmin, Kshatriya, Vaisya in Sudra.

Brahmani so na vrhu kastne hierarhije in jih sestavljajo učenjaki in duhovniki. Naslednji na vrsti so Kšatrije, ki veljajo za vojake in politične voditelje. Temu sledijo Vaišje ali trgovci. Zadnji v hierarhiji so Sudre, ki so običajno služabniki, delavci, obrtniki ali kmetje. Obstajajo tudi nedotakljivi, ki veljajo za odvečne in opravljajo poklice, kot so odstranjevanje odmrlih živali in čiščenje. Nedotakljivi ne sodijo med uvrščene kaste.

Ljudje teh razredov se preživljajo s posebnimi poklici in otroci, rojeni v njihovih družinah, sledijo temu, pridobijo ustrezen poklic po svoji kasti ali jati in tako ohranijo hierarhično razvrstitev poklicev in dedno specializacijo poklica.

Ustrezni rituali, pravila in predpisi urejajo poklicne dejavnosti in ustrezno družbeno vedenje ljudi teh razredov, vključno s pravili, povezanimi s poroko.

Izvor in zgodovina kastnega sistema v Indiji

Obstaja veliko teorij o izvoru kastnega sistema v državi. Medtem ko je nekaj teh teorij zgodovinskih, so nekatere verske ali biološke. Splošno sprejete teorije o kastnem sistemu ni.

Če gremo po starodavni hindujski knjigi "Rig Veda", je človeško telo ustvaril "Purush" tako, da se je uničil. Različne kaste ali varne so nastale iz različnih delov njegovega telesa. Rečeno je, da so Brahmani nastali iz njegove glave, Kshatriyas je izhajal iz njegovih rok, Vaishias iz njegovih stegen in njegova stopala so ustvarila Sudre.

Obstaja še ena teorija o izvoru kastnega sistema, ki navaja, da kaste izvirajo iz različnih delov telesa "Brahme", hindujskega božanstva, imenovanega "Stvarnik sveta." Po tej teoriji gre za poroke med kastami, mešanica krvi ali stik pripadnikov različnih ras velja za grozljiv zločin.

V preteklosti velja, da se je kastni sistem začel v Indiji okoli leta 1500 pred našim štetjem med prihodom Arijcev v državo. Menijo, da so Arijci, ki so imeli svetlo kožo, prihajali iz severne Azije in južne Evrope, kar je bilo v nasprotju s staroselci Indije. Začeli so osvajati regije po vsej severni Indiji, domačine pa so istočasno pognali proti jugu proti goratom v severnem delu države. Arijci so sledili posebnemu družbenemu redu, imenovanemu Varna Vyavastha, ki je sčasoma povzročil štiri hierarhične delitve družbe.

Kodeks ravnanja

Poleg razslojevanja ljudi v različnih kastah so te kaste sledile tudi nekaterim strogim pravilom in predpisom, ki so jih pripadniki kaste versko upoštevali. Pravila, ki se nanašajo zlasti na versko čaščenje, obroke in poroko, so prevladovala v njihovem življenju. Najmanj omejitev in predpisov pa je bilo izvedenih za brahmine in vaišje. Najbolj trpeli so Sudri, saj je na njih veljala večina družbenih zakonov. Nekateri med njimi so bili -

  • Brahmini so lahko dali hrano vsakomur, če je hotel, toda oseba iz nižje kaste se ni smela niti približati kraju, kjer je jedel brahmin.
  • Sudre niso smele vstopiti v templje ali druge bogoslužne prostore, medtem ko so ostali trije razredi imeli polne pravice do čaščenja.
  • Sudre niso smele jemati vode iz ribnikov ali vodnjakov, saj bi njihov dotik onesnažil vodo.
  • Poroke med kastami so bile prepovedane. V mnogih primerih celo poroke znotraj lastne podkaste ali jati niso bile dovoljene.
  • Tudi Sudre so potisnili proti obrobju mesta in jim ni bilo dovoljeno živeti nikjer v bližini Brahminov, Kshtriyas in Vaishias.

Negativni učinki kastnega sistema na družbo

  • To ovira izbiro poklica glede na njegove želje in posamezniki so prisiljeni prevzeti družinski poklic. To ima za posledico oviranje mobilnosti delovne sile, ki je ovirala rast države.
  • Višji razredi gledajo na nižje razrede zaradi togosti kastnega sistema. Posledica tega je oviranje narodne enotnosti. Nacionalni interesi se pri dajanju pomembnosti kastnim interesom spregledajo.
  • Odlivni sistem nasprotuje normam demokracije. Deluje v smeri zatiranja nižjih razredov, kar ima za posledico izkoriščanje ljudi, ki pripadajo nižji kasti.
  • Nacionalni razvoj in napredek je oviran zaradi globoko zakoreninjenega kastnega sistema.
  • Za nekatere verske spreobrnitve je odgovoren tudi kastni sistem. Prevladovanje brahmanov je spodbudilo Sudre, da so prevzeli krščanstvo, islam in druge religije, saj so jih zamikali filozofija in ideologija teh skupnosti.

Reforme in ustavne določbe

Zgornje kaste so spodnje kaste obravnavale kot svoje sužnje. Družbena razslojenost je povzročila izkoriščanje šudr in nedotakljivih. Tako imenovane višje kaste so imele vodilne položaje v družbi, veri in gospodarstvu države.

Vendar pa so številni družbeni reformatorji, kot je Raja Ram Mohan Roy in drugi, vse svoje življenje dali proti nasprotovanju zlobnim praksam in izobraževanju množic. Ko je Indija zlomila okove suženjstva in je bila ustava oblikovana, so ustanovitelji ustave dodali določbe, da bi zmanjšali škodljive učinke prevladujočega kastnega sistema v državi.

Ustavne določbe

Preambula indijske ustave Indijo zamišlja kot državo, ki izvaja politično, ekonomsko in socialno pravičnost, kot narod, v katerem je zagotovljeno dostojanstvo in enakost statusa državljanov.

Neodvisna indijska ustava je diskriminacijo na podlagi kaste razglasila za nezakonito. Leta 1950 so oblasti, da bi odpravile zgodovinske krivice, uvedle pridržke ali kvote v izobraževalnih ustanovah in na vladnih delovnih mestih za nižje kaste, imenovane plemena po urniku.

Pridržek je bil razširjen na skupino ljudi, ki spadajo med tradicionalne zgornje kaste in najnižje, kar se je leta 1989 nanašalo na druge zaostale razrede (OBC).

14. člen ustave zagotavlja enakost pred zakonom.

Člen 15 (1) Ustave zavezuje državo, naj ne diskriminira na podlagi kaste zoper nobenega državljana. Člen 15 (2) ustave določa, da noben državljan ne sme biti podvržen invalidnosti in omejitvam zaradi rase ali kaste.

17. člen odpravlja prakso nedotakljivosti v kakršni koli obliki.

Člen 15 (4) in (5) pooblašča državo za rezervacije v izobraževalnih ustanovah. Člen 16 (4), 16 (4A), 16 (4B) in člen 335 pooblašča državo, da pri imenovanju pridrži pridržke v korist kast.

330. člen predvideva rezervacijo sedežev v Lok Sabhi za kaste urnikov. Enako velja pod 332. člen v državnih zborih in Člen 243D in člen 340T v organih lokalne samouprave.

Namen teh pridržkov je bil izboljšati položaj prikrajšanih slojev kot začasno pritrdilno, toda z leti je to postalo vadba za politike, ki žalijo kastinske skupine zaradi volilnih koristi v imenu pridržka.

46. ​​člen ustave skrbi, da so zaščitene pred družbeno krivico in izkoriščanjem vseh oblik.

Deluje tako, da prepoveduje kastni sistem

Da bi zagotovili, da so izpolnjeni mandati, določeni z ustavo, so bili sprejeti tudi številni drugi akti, s katerimi je bilo treba odpraviti diskriminatorne in izkoriščevalske prakse zoper nižje sloje. Sledi nekaj tistih aktov, ki vsem zagotavljajo socialno pravičnost.

  • Zakon o prepovedi zaposlovanja kot čistilci ročnih del in njihova rehabilitacija 2013.
  • Zakon o nedotakljivosti (prekrški) iz leta 1955. Leta 1976 se je preimenoval v Zakon o varstvu državljanskih pravic.
  • Zakon o preprečevanju grozodejstev iz leta 1989.

Sodobna Indija

Scenarij v državi se je z napredkom v tehnologiji, izobraževanju, socialnem pogledu, urbanizaciji in posodobitvi močno spremenil. S širjenjem urbanizacije in veslanja posvetnega izobraževanja se je vpliv kast zmanjšal. To se je zgodilo zlasti v mestih, kjer so medkastne poroke in ljudje različnih kast, ki živijo drug ob drugem v družbah, postali običajni.

Kljub naraščajočim spremembam ima kastna identiteta v družbi še vedno velik pomen. Priimek posameznika močno označuje kasto, ki ji oseba pripada. Država je po osamosvojitvi priča tudi kastinskemu nasilju.

Za to ni mogoče kriviti samo političnih strank, predsodki so v glavah državljanov države. Država se še vedno spopada s problemom kastnega sistema. Veliko dela je treba opraviti, da bi iz države izkoreninili zla kastnega sistema. Zakoni in akti lahko zagotovijo le zaščito, vendar mora družbo spremeniti dojemanje in odnos.


Izvor kastnega sistema?

Ta tema me je vedno zmedla. Tradicionalna razlaga, kako je prišel kastni sistem, je, da so Arijci vdrli in se namestili kot bojevniki in duhovniki ter ustvarili hierarhijo, ki temelji na barvi kože - ali vsaj tako so nas učili v šoli v Ameriki.

Sodobnejše teorije kažejo, da so bile razlike med kastami vidno omenjene šele pozneje, Britanci pa so namerno spodbujali delitve kast, da bi Indiji olajšali vladanje.

Pojasnila so me vedno zmedla, ker se zdi, da so v nasprotju s protiprimeri v drugih državah. Po večini Azije, kjer so obstajale kaste, so nastale zaradi begunskih kriz. Nomadski narodi, Kitani, so se pogosto naselili v Koreji, prvotno pa so jim dali jahanje, lokostrelstvo in strojenje usnja, preden jih je družba v teh vlogah uvrstila in se ni mogla izseliti. Nedotakljivi Koreji so nastali na ta način.

Na Japonskem so burakumin nastale zaradi begunskih kriz fevdalnih vojn, ko vlade niso naselile ljudi.

Nadalje se zdi ideja, da so z invazijami nastali stalni izgnanci, v najboljšem primeru dvomljiva. V Otomanskem cesarstvu so Turki zasedli položaje, ki jih najbolje opisujejo kot vloge brahminov ali kšatrij kot edini motorji višje birokracije in vojaške elite (z nekaj izjemami - tudi fanariotski Grki/staro bizantinsko plemstvo). Grki, Judje in Donmeh so zasedli trgovski razred, preostali narodi cesarstva pa so bili delegirani v kmetijske vloge.

Kljub tej segregaciji po sistemu milliye je izločanje ostalo a vlada induciran pojav in ne družbeno uveljavljen.

Kako je torej nastal sistem kast in še posebej sistem nedotakljivih? Ali so begunske krize iz vojn med indijskimi kraljestvi povzročile prelivanje migrantov? Ali so se nomadska ljudstva naselila na prvotno dobre odnose z lokalnimi vladarji, kasneje pa so jih domačini preselili na slabša delovna mesta? Ali krave in drugo mobilni ali imajo kmetje spor med zemljiščem in vodo z lokalnimi kmeti?

DaveK

Preveč sem spal, da bi se inteligentno odzval, vendar obstaja nekaj odličnih epizod podoksta & quotistory of India & quot, ki bi morale osvetliti:

Poiščite epizode z oznako 1D - rezbarije družbe. Zelo natančno se pogovarja o varni in j & amp#257ti. Druga epizoda, pogovor, je lep, saj klepeta z učenjakom in domačinom iz Indije, ki ga popravi na nekaj točkah.

Aupmanyav

Devde

Ta tema me je vedno zmedla. Tradicionalna razlaga, kako je prišel kastni sistem, je, da so Arijci vdrli in se namestili kot bojevniki in duhovniki ter ustvarili hierarhijo, ki temelji na barvi kože - ali vsaj tako so nas učili v šoli v Ameriki.

Sodobnejše teorije kažejo, da so bile razlike med kastami vidno omenjene šele pozneje, Britanci pa so namerno spodbujali delitve kast, da bi Indiji olajšali vladanje.

Pojasnila so me vedno zmedla, ker se zdi, da so v nasprotju s protiprimeri v drugih državah. Po večini Azije, kjer so obstajale kaste, so nastale zaradi begunskih kriz. Nomadski narodi, Kitani, so se pogosto naselili v Koreji, prvotno pa so jim dali jahanje, lokostrelstvo in strojenje usnja, preden jih je družba v teh vlogah vnesla in se ni mogla izseliti. Nedotakljivi Koreji so nastali na ta način.

Na Japonskem so burakumin nastale zaradi begunskih kriz fevdalnih vojn, ko vlade niso naselile ljudi.

Nadalje se zdi ideja, da so z invazijami nastali stalni izgnanci, v najboljšem primeru dvomljiva. V Otomanskem cesarstvu so Turki zasedli položaje, ki jih najbolje opisujejo kot vloge brahminov ali kšatrij kot edini motorji višje birokracije in vojaške elite (z nekaj izjemami - tudi fanariotski Grki/staro bizantinsko plemstvo). Grki, Judje in Donmeh so zasedli trgovski razred, preostali narodi cesarstva pa so bili delegirani v kmetijske vloge.

Kljub tej segregaciji po sistemu milliye je izločanje ostalo a vlada induciran pojav in ne družbeno uveljavljen.

Kako je torej nastal sistem kast in še posebej sistem nedotakljivih? Ali so begunske krize iz vojn med indijskimi kraljestvi povzročile prelivanje migrantov? Ali so se nomadska ljudstva naselila na prvotno dobre odnose z lokalnimi vladarji, kasneje pa so jih domačini preselili na slabša delovna mesta? Ali krave in drugo mobilni ali imajo kmetje spor med zemljiščem in vodo z lokalnimi kmeti?

Bullit

V vseh družbah obstajajo družbeni ukazi, celo postindustrijske družbe kažejo elemente hierarhije. Vendar je kastni sistem v Indiji opazen od drugih, ker je obveščen in vgrajen v hinduizem.

& quotV začetku so bili različni razredi ljudi & amp#8212 duhovniki, plemstvo in navadni ljudje & amp#8212, vendar niso omenjali segregacije ali poklicnih omejitev. Pred približno 3000 leti besedila omenjajo četrti, najnižji razred: Sudre. Toda šele okoli 100 pr. da je sveto besedilo, imenovano Manusmruti, izrecno prepovedalo poroke med kastami & quot

Njegov vpliv na vse vidike hindujske misli, zlasti na utemeljitev kastnega sistema, je bil velik.


nekaj zanimivih misli dr. Ambedkarja (ki je pripravil indijsko ustavo) o kastnem sistemu.

O teoriji o Varni: Ambedkar je sistem Varna gledal kot razred. Ker posameznika ne obravnavajo po njegovih zaslugah, ampak kot razred, kot je pripadnik brahmina, šudre ali dalita itd., Tudi v družini, kot moški ali ženska. Torej je bila to velika krivica do zaslug posameznika. Torej je vprašal & amp#8216 & amp#8216 Ali hindujski družbeni red priznava enakost? & Amp#8221

Geneza kastnega sistema: Ambedkar o nastanku kastnega sistema zavrača vse teorije o kastnem izvoru, ki so jih predstavili različni misleci. Po njegovem mnenju je kastni sistem poslušnemu prebivalstvu Indije vsilil nizkodalec kot božansko razdeljevanje ali pa se je indijskemu ljudstvu razvil po nekem zakonu družbene rasti.

Kasta in delitev dela: Ambedkar pravi, da kastni sistem posameznikom nalaga na podlagi socialnega statusa staršev- in ne na podlagi zaslug ali sposobnosti posameznika. Je vnaprej določeno z rojstvom in nespremenljivo. To je v nasprotju z načelom delitve dela. To je umetna naprava, ki nekaterim ljudem omogoča, da služijo drugim. Zato je Ambedkar želel uničenje kastnega sistema. Po njegovem mnenju kasta razdeli moške na ločene skupnosti in jih postavi v stopnjevan red- eno nad drugo. Višja kot je kasta, večji je pripadnik religij in socialnih pravic. To niso samo neenakosti, ampak tudi krivica. Zato je Ambedkar sploh želel uničenje kastnega sistema.

Po analizi izkoriščevalske narave hindujske družbene ureditve, rojene iz varn, kast in podkast, je Ambedkar predstavil svojo vizijo idealne družbene ureditve, ki temelji na svobodi, enakosti in bratstvu. V skladu s tem je vključil določbe, ki odpravljajo katizem in zagotavljajo temeljne pravice državljanom Indije, ne glede na kasto, veroizpoved in spol. Pravica zagotavlja enakost vseh Indijancev v družbenem življenju

Izvor kast, ki temeljijo na Manusmuritu (hindujski učbeniki), ima še vedno globoke učinke, kar dokazuje v tem poročilu CBS Christian Amanpour. Poročilo obravnava 3000 let staro zapuščino in ima intervju z dr. Sunilom Khilananijem, avtorjem knjige "Ideja Indije", ki pravi, da je "čistost pomemben vidik verskega spoštovanja" - ideja, da so spodnje kaste umazane.


Kasnejše vedsko obdobje (1000-600 pr. N. Št.)

V zgodnji Upanišadi se Shudra imenuje Pūşan ali hranilo, kar kaže na to, da so bile Shudre obdelovalci tal. Toda kmalu zatem se Šudre ne štejejo med davkoplačevalce in naj bi jih podarili skupaj z zemljo, ko je podarjena. Večina rokodelcev je bila zmanjšana tudi na položaj Shudras, vendar za njihovo delo ni nakazanega zaničevanja.

Brahmini in Kshatriyi imajo v obredih poseben položaj, ki jih razlikuje od Vaishyas in Shudras. Vaishya naj bi bila po volji zatirana ”, Shudra pa po volji premagana. ”


Skozi meglo Delhija do vzporednic v Indiji in Ameriki

Moj let v Indijo je pristal v sivi tančici, ki je skrivala terminal in njegov stolp na mednarodnem letališču v Delhiju. Bil je januar 2018, moji prvi trenutki na podcelini. Pilot je skozi zaveso megle iskal prehod. Ura je bila 2. zjutraj in bilo je, kot da smo pristali v parnem kotlu, še vedno v zraku v oblaku, nočni zrak je pritiskal na okna kabine in ničesar nismo videli od tal. V napovedi nisem slišal za dež in bil sem navdušen nad to nadnaravno meglo sredi noči, dokler nisem spoznal, da sploh ni megla, ampak dim - iz premogovnikov, avtomobilov in gorečih strnišč - ujet v stoječem vetru. Onesnaženje je bilo najprej pokrov, ko je Indijo videl takšno, kakršna je v resnici.

Ob zori je sonce švignilo skozi meglo, in ko sem se povezal s svojimi gostitelji, sem skupaj z njimi dirkal, da sem prečkal križišče, odprt odsek asfalta z avtomobili, ki so se vrteli v vse smeri brez pasov ali omejitev hitrosti. Po stranskih ulicah smo se odpravili na konferenco, ki smo se je udeležili. Videl sem oltarje ob poti in templje gob s svojimi venci in svilenimi cvetovi hindujskim božanstvom na dnu svetih figov. Tam se potniki lahko ustavijo za razmislek, ko se odpravijo na delo ali na izpit ali na obisk k zdravniku. Svetišča na pločniku so se mi zdela eksotična, dokler nisem pomislil na ameriški ritual spontanih oltarjev cvetja in balonov na mestu nečesa zelo drugačnega, na mestu nesreče ali tragedije, kot je pri Heather Heyer, protiprotestnici, ubiti pri razvpitem neo -Konfederacijski shod v Charlottesvilleu, Va., Le nekaj mesecev prej. Oboje odraža človeško željo, da se povežemo in spoštujemo nekaj ali nekoga zunaj nas samih.

ZDA in Indija sta si med seboj zelo različni - v kulturi, tehnologiji, ekonomiji, zgodovini, etnični sestavi. In vendar sta si ti dve veliki deželi pred mnogimi generacijami vzporedno vzporedno, vsaka je bila zaščitena z oceani, rodovitna in hrepeneča in so ji nekaj časa vladali Britanci. Vsak od njih je sprejel družbeno hierarhijo in vzdržuje velike vrzeli med najvišjimi in najnižjimi v svojih deželah. Vsako so osvojili ljudje, za katere pravijo, da so Arijci, ki so v enem primeru prišli izven Atlantskega oceana, v drugem s severa. Tisti, ki veljajo za najnižje v vsaki državi, bi služili tistim, ki veljajo za visoke. Mlajša država, ZDA, bi postala najmočnejša demokracija na Zemlji. Najstarejša država, Indija, bi postala največja.

Njihova hierarhija se močno razlikuje. And yet, as if operating from the same instruction manual translated to fit their distinctive cultures, both countries adopted similar methods of maintaining rigid lines of demarcation and protocols. Both countries kept their dominant caste separate, apart and above those deemed lower. Both exiled their Indigenous peoples — the Adivasi in India, the Native Americans in the United States — to remote lands and to the unseen margins of society. Both countries enacted an amalgam of laws to chain the lowliest group — Dalits in India (formerly known as the untouchables) and African-Americans in the United States — to the bottom, using terror and force to keep them there.

“Perhaps only the Jews have as long a history of suffering from discrimination as the Dalits,” the American civil rights advocate Yussuf Naim Kly wrote in 1987. “However, when we consider the nature of the suffering endured by the Dalits, it is the African-American parallel of enslavement, apartheid and forced assimilation that comes to mind.”

The United States and India have since abolished the formal laws that defined their caste systems — the United States in a series of civil rights laws in the 1960s and India more than a decade before, starting in 1949 — but both caste systems live on in hearts and habits, institutions and infrastructures. Both countries still live with the residue of codes that prevailed for far longer than they have not.

In both countries and often at the same time, the lowest castes toiled for their masters — African-Americans in the tobacco fields along the Chesapeake or in the cotton fields of Mississippi, Dalits plucking tea in Kerala and cotton in Nandurbar. Both worked as enslaved people and later for the right to live on the land that they were farming, African-Americans in the system of sharecropping, Dalits in the Indian equivalent, known as saldari, both still confined to their fixed roles at the bottom of their respective societies.

While doors have opened to the subordinated castes in India and in America in the decades since discrimination was officially prohibited, the same spasms of resistance have afflicted both countries. What is called “affirmative action” in the United States is called “reservations” in India, and they are equally unpopular with the upper castes in both countries, language tracking in lock step, with complaints of reverse discrimination in one and reverse casteism in the other.

There are many overarching similarities to the countries’ caste systems, but they are not the same in how they are structured or operate. The American system was founded as a primarily two-tiered hierarchy with its contours defined by the uppermost group, those identified as white, and by the subordinated group, those identified as Black, with immigrants from outside Europe forming blurred middle castes that sought to adjust themselves within a bipolar structure, and Native Americans largely exiled outside it.

The Indian caste system, by contrast, is an elaborate fretwork of thousands of subcastes, or jatis, correlated to region and village, which fall under the four main varnas — the Brahmin, the Kshatriya, the Vaishya, the Shudra and the excluded fifth, the Dalits. It is further complicated by non-Hindus — including Muslims, Buddhists, Sikhs and Christians — who are outside the original caste system but have incorporated themselves into the workings of the country, at times in the face of resistance and attack, and may or may not have informal rankings among themselves and in relation to the varnas.

The Indian caste system historically has been said to be stable and unquestioned by those within it, bound as it is by religion and the Hindu belief in reincarnation, the belief that a person carries out in this life the karma of the previous ones, suffers the punishment or reaps the rewards for deeds in a past life, and that the more keenly you follow the rules for the caste you were born into, the higher your station will be in the next life.

Some observers say that this is what distinguishes the Indian caste system from any other, that people in the lowest caste accept their lot, that it is fixed and unbending, that Dalits presumably live out their karma decreed by the gods and do their lowly work without complaint, knowing not to dream of anything more. In order to survive, some people in a subordinated caste may learn and believe that resistance is futile. But this condescending view disregards generations of resistance, and the work of the beloved Dalit leader Bhimrao Ambedkar and the reformer Jyotiba Phule before him. It was also wrongly assumed of enslaved Africans, and it disregards a fundamental truth of the species, that all human beings want to be free.

The Dalits were no more contented with their lot than anyone would be. In a caste system, conflating compliance with approval is dehumanizing in itself. Many Dalits looked out beyond their homeland, surveyed the oppressed people all over the world and identified the people closest to their lamentations. They recognized a shared fate with African-Americans, few of whom would have known of the suffering of Dalits. Some Dalits felt so strong a kinship with one wing of the American civil rights movement and followed it so closely that in the 1970s they created the Dalit Panthers, inspired by the Black Panther Party.

Several years ago, a group of largely African-American professors made a trip to a rural village in the Indian state Uttar Pradesh. There, hundreds of villagers from the lowliest subcaste, the scavengers, came together for a ceremony to welcome the Americans.

The villagers sang Dalit liberation songs for the occasion. Then they turned to their American guests and invited them to sing a liberation song of their own. A law professor from Indiana University, Kenneth Dau-Schmidt, began a song that the civil rights marchers sang in Birmingham and Selma before they faced sheriffs’ dogs and fire hoses. As he reached the refrain, the Dalit hosts joined in and began to sing with their American counterparts. Across the oceans, they well knew the words to “We Shall Overcome.”


Black Voices: Cisco, caste discrimination and connections between Black and lower caste communities

IU Maurer School of Law Professor Kevin D. Brown poses for a photo. Brown is working with a group of lawyers working on a caste discrimination case against Cisco Systems.

Editor's note: Aditi T. requested that we not use her last name due to how it represents her caste. She has both upper and lower caste heritage, which is not reflected in her last name.

Cisco Systems, a multinational technology company, is facing a lawsuit filed June 30, 2020 by the California Department of Fair Employment and Housing for caste discrimination. An Indian Dalit, or untouchable in caste social hierarchy, tech worker has been facing workplace discrimination from his high-caste managers.

IU Maurer professor Kevin D. Brown is part of a group of lawyers working with the lawyers on the case.

Brown is also co-writing a paper arguing that Title VII, which prohibits employment discrimination based on race, sex, color, religion and national origin, would protect people from caste discrimination under the prohibitions defined by race. The legal argument is that caste discrimination is prohibited due to indivisble intersections with race. Dalits are South Asian.

“If you change the race of a Dalit from Asian to Black or white, well, they’re no longer a Dalit. Therefore the employer that’s discriminating against them based on their caste would no longer discriminate against them since they’re no longer a member of that caste,” Brown said. “Thus discrimination against Dalits would also be discrimination based on race.”

Brown said if this case is won by the California DFEH it would make the U.S. the first nation to explicitly allow people to sue for workplace caste discrimination.

A Brief Introduction to Caste History

The Cisco case is connected to thousands of years of caste history which endures despite discrimination being banned. Pallavi Rao, an IU Media School doctoral student who studies the caste system and Indian English-language media, said caste is deeply connected to Hindu scripture, especially the Manusmriti.

The caste system was designed to help society run efficiently through social stratification which assigned occupation, social practices and other rules at birth. The British colonial government over-simplistically narrowed caste categories to benefit colonial power, she said.

“It’s injustice. It favors Brahmins and upper castes who are at the top of this hierarchy with wealth, with land ownership,” Rao said.

It disempowers and exploits the labor of lower castes, especially Dalits, she said.

Dalits are among India’s most impoverished castes and are forced by caste into the worst occupations, which can include hard and degrading labor, Rao said.

Anti-caste activism, particularly under major Dalit politician and leader Dr. Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar, have led to victories such as Affirmative Action and reservations, a system in which a percentage of employment in various industries is reserved for lower castes, Rao said. However, these victories have not ended caste oppression.

The Migration of Caste

When looking at the Cisco case, it’s important to understand how caste migrated with the Indian Diaspora.

The Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965 allowed non-white immigrants to attain U.S. citizenship. Part of the act is that it was meant to attract skilled labor.

Rao said that this system favors the immigration of middle class, well-educated Indians who come to work professional jobs in medicine, engineering, and other fields. The structural disadvantages lower castes face in labor, education and economic resourcing means that only a small group of low-caste Indians can immigrate.

Lower caste individuals often hide their identity to protect themselves from prejudice. When discrimination occurs, justice may not be sought since there are few resources and often severe consequences, Rao said.

Black–Dalit Solidarity

Brown’s work against caste discrimination aligns with a history of solidarity between Black and low-caste communities. This connection is especially strong with Dalits.

“Dalits actually hold the African-American struggle in very high esteem. Their intellectual leaders are very much aware of the African American struggle,” Brown said.

Brown said this awareness can be seen in many Dalit efforts. Examples include Dalit Lives Matter and the Dalit Panthers, inspired by Black Lives Matter and the Black Panthers respectively.

IU School of Education doctoral student Aditi T., who studies caste and education, said it’s important to not combine caste with race. There are no sure phenotypic identifiers for caste. She also said whereas racism hinges on racializing some to justify oppression, caste is a system of graded inequality based on fundamentally religious hierarchy which oppresses the majority.

Issues with Ending Caste Oppression

Religion is a contentious issue in addressing caste. Aditi said Indian communities have to determine the extent to which Hinduism is implicated in the caste system’s existence.

“Ambedkarites, we believe that the dichotomy between Hinduism and Hindutva, or Hindu nationalism, is a false one, right, because the root of the caste system lies in Hinduism,” Aditi. je rekel.

Others strongly disagree, she said.

The Hindu American Foundation filed an intervention on the Cisco case citing that the California DFEH is violating Hindu’s constitutional and civil rights to religious freedom by connecting caste to Hinduism. They believe the lawsuit is culturally discriminatory and would lead to the targeting of Hindus.

Aditi T. said that the Hindu right often argues that in a white-dominated society, connecting caste to Hinduism and promoting certain forms of anti-caste activism is Hinduphobic. They have fought to erase caste history especially in textbooks.

Another issue is that while the Cisco case could provide protections in the US organized workforce, change may not also occur in India, Aditi said. 90% of the Indian workforce works in the informal economy. These jobs don’t have formal contracts, which limits the effects of organized workplace protections, she said.

Rao also said caste denial presents issues with facing caste.

“Caste is seen as a very rural phenomenon in India. It’s seen as something that’s in those backward places,” Rao said. Many imagine themselves as casteless, she said.

Continuing to Stand in Solidarity

Brown said an important way to stand in anti-caste solidarity is to educate yourself. To learn more about caste, read Gail Omvedt’s Understanding Caste: From Buddha to Ambedkar and Beyond. To learn more about anti-caste thought, Ambedkar’s The Annihilation of Caste is foundational.

After further education, you can expand our efforts.

Despite the Indian state limiting foreign interference, providing material aid when possible is important given the poverty of many Dalit communities and how often they are deprived of state aid, Rao said.

Rao also believes educational, cultural, economic, and legal exchanges between anti-racist and anti-caste organizations in America and India can further social causes.

Aditi T. believes changing education systems in India is key to fighting caste and ending the reproduction of Brahmanical patriarchy.

Whatever form solidarity takes, it’s important to stand firm against oppression. Black people have a unique opportunity to continue a history of solidarity into the 21st century.


Varnas

It is essential to distinguish between large-scale and small-scale views of caste society, which may respectively be said to represent theory and practice, or ideology and the existing social reality. On the large scale, contemporary students of Hindu society recall an ancient fourfold arrangement of socioeconomic categories called the varnas, which is traced back to an oral tradition preserved in the Rigveda (dating perhaps from between 1500 and 1200 bce ). The Sanskrit word varna has many connotations, including colour, description, selection, and classification.

Indo-European-speaking peoples migrated probably about 1500 bce to northwestern India (the Indus valley and the Punjab Plain). Since the mid-19th century some scholars have identified these migrants as “ Aryans” this term, derived from the Sanskrit word arya (“noble” or “distinguished”), is found in the Rigveda. Some scholars postulated that these alleged Aryans encountered or conquered the indigenous people, whom they called daha (“enemies”) or dasyu (“servants”). The fact that varna may mean “colour” has led some scholars to posit that these so-called Aryans and the dasyus—alleged to have been light-skinned and dark-skinned, respectively—may have been antagonistic ethnic groups divided by physical features as well as by culture and language. Since the mid-20th century, however, some scholars have pointed to textual evidence that the distinction referred to ritual practices and not to skin colour further, the term arya may have been a term for nobility rather than an ethnic self-identification. In addition, it is also likely that the daha included earlier immigrants from Iran. Therefore, the tendency of some 20th-century writers to reduce the ancient bipolar classification to racial differences on the basis of skin colour is misleading and rightly no longer in vogue.

Whatever the relations between the so-called arya in daha, it is likely that they gradually became integrated into an internally plural social order reflecting a threefold division of society into priests, warriors, and commoners. In an early period, membership in a varna appears to have been based mainly on personal skills rather than birth, status, or wealth. By the end of the Rigvedic period, however, the hereditary principle of social rank had taken root. Thus the hymn of the Rigveda (probably a late addition to the text) in which the creation of humanity in the form of varnas emerges from a self-sacrificial rite of the primeval person ( purusha): Brahmans were the mouth of purusha, from his arms were made the Rajanyas (Kshatriyas), from his two thighs, the Vaishyas, and the Shudras were born from his feet. The extent to which the ideology’s hierarchical ordering of the four groups mirrored the social reality is unknown.

The highest-ranked among the varnas, the Brahmans, were priests and the masters and teachers of sacred knowledge (veda). Next in rank but hardly socially inferior was the ruling class of Rajanya (kinsmen of the king), later renamed Kshatriya, those endowed with sovereignty and, as warriors, responsible for the protection of the dominion (kshatra). A complex, mutually reinforcing relationship of sacerdotal authority and temporal power was obviously shaped over a long period of time.

Clearly ranked below the two top categories were the Vaishyas (from vish, “those settled on soils”), comprising agriculturists and merchants. These three varnas together were deemed to be “twice-born” (dvija), as the male members were entitled to go through a rite of initiation during childhood. This second birth entitled them to participate in specified sacraments and gave them access to sacred knowledge. They were also entitled alongside their social superiors to demand and receive menial services from the Shudras, the fourth and lowest-ranked varna. Certain degrading occupations, such as disposal of dead animals, excluded some Shudras from any physical contact with the “twice-born” varnas. Considered untouchable, they were simply dubbed “the fifth” (panchama) category.

V varna framework, the Brahmans have everything, directly or indirectly: “noble” identity, “twice-born” status, sacerdotal authority, and dominion over the Vaishyas and the Shudras, who accounted for the great majority of the people. This is not surprising, for the ancient Brahmans were the authors of the ideology. Štirje varnas, together with the notional division of the individual life cycle into four stages, or ashramas (brahmacharya, the years of learning and extreme discipline garhasthya, householdership vanaprastha, retirement and sannyasa, renunciation of all worldly bonds) may at best be considered an archetypical blueprint for the good, moral life. Indeed, the Hindu way of life is traditionally called the varnashrama dharma (duties of the stages of life for one’s varna). The varna order remains relevant to the understanding of the system of jatis, as it provides the ideological setting for the patterns of interaction that are continuously under negotiation.


Caste System - History

[Links to websites, including those of the Indian government, that the author used in 2000, no longer function. — George P. Landow (8 November 2018)

History of the Caste System

Caste is defined as a rigid social system in which a social hierarchy is maintained for generations and allows little mobility out of the position to which a person is born ( Encarta Encyclopedia ). In Sanskrit, the word for caste is "Varna" which means color. The origins of this word refer to the old racial differences between conquerors and conquered the Aryans nomads which conquered the original natives around 1500 BC. However, the basis of the caste divisions was social and economic rather than racial. Under the caste system, Indian society was divided into four hereditary divisions. The highest is the Brahmans (priests and teachers). Second was the Kshatriyas (rulers and warriors). Followed by the Vaishyas (merchants and traders) and finally was the Sudras (workers and peasants). In additional to these four castes, there were the Harijans or Untouchables, which were not in the social order. The Indian caste was hereditary and marriage was only permitted within the same caste. Each caste had its own occupation and any contacts with another caste was strictly regulated and prohibited.

Impact of British Rule on the Caste System

By the time of British rule, starting from around the seventeenth century to 1947, the caste system had evolved and expanded into some 3000 different castes. The caste system although underwent great changes throughout this period but strictly speaking, never effectively eradicated. Interestingly, the first effect that the British had on the caste system was to strengthen rather than undermine it, for the British gave the Brahmans back certain special privileges which under Muslim had been withdrawn from them. On the other hand, the British legislators did not agree that the members of the lower-caste should receive greater punishment than members of the upper-caste for committing the same offense.

Under British rule, the untouchables and low-caste Indians enjoyed an improvement of their social standings. For example, with wealth and education, they could pass as members of higher castes from some distant area. The strict restrictions on social contacts became harder to enforce as members of different castes mingled increasing. The newly educated and affluence middle class in the cities mixed socially with people based on their financial position and class and not caste. Under the British, it was wealth and education, which determines a person's social status not caste.

By the end of the Raj, traditional Indian society began to break down into a westernized class system. A rising strong middle class with a heightened sense of Indian nationalism evolved out of the caste system allowing men of low castes to rise to high ranks and positions of power, previously closed to them. The moderation of the caste system was largely due to British rule and a man named Mahatma Gandhi (1869 - 1948), a product of the British education system. But the degree to which the caste system is successfully challenged by British rule is questionable. although castes are now prohibited by law in India, they have not totally vanished in practice. Till today, some untouchables still do the dirty work as their forefathers had done so for centuries.


The History of the American Caste System

The house of America was built on a foundation of a caste system placing whites at the top and black people at the bottom. The infrastructure of the social and political landscapes is based on a human hierarchy developed 400 years ago when Europeans first came to this land.

The terms “cast” and “caste” have different meanings, but there’s a relationship between them that explains the development of race in colonial America, the advent of slavery, and the current social and political landscapes. For instance, a play involves a cast of characters given specific roles and directions for how to perform their parts. The identities of the actors disappear when they take on the characteristics of their role, and everyone knows their significance in the production. The leads are given special treatment, like private dressing rooms and the most lines, and they’re not expected to interact with those in the background who have no lines but are needed to make the narrative work.

Over the long career of a play, the actors change many times, but the characters remain the same. The new cast wears the costumes and assumes the characteristics handed down from their predecessors. The longer they perform their roles, the more the behaviors and lines become automatic. If any actor performs beyond the confines of their character or goes off script, the other actors keep them in check, or they are fired or written out of the story.

The roles Americans have played from one generation to the next within the original narrative of caste are similar. The directions guiding our behavior have not changed, nor have the expectations for how each of us fits into society. And if a member of the lowest caste tries to upstage the dominant caste or change the script, they’re kept in check with laws or violence, or they’re cast out to the margins of civilization.

The American caste narrative started with slavery and continues to be performed over and over. And the subordinate caste’s desire to rewrite the script led to a civil war, the Civil Rights Movement, and continued protests for equality in the modern era. To truly understand why we are the way we are, we must look to the original narrative.

The Structure of the American Caste System

The American caste system was based on differences in people’s appearance. This arbitrary manner of differentiating one group from another is what developed the concept of dirka. Without it, race would not carry the importance it does today or even be something we assign meaning to.

Race is an unwavering line drawn in the sand because it’s immediately noticeable. Skin color becomes the cue that triggers ingrained stereotypes and assumptions about how people fit into society. As these beliefs deepen, so do the expectations for what a certain group is capable of, where they should live, what they’re allowed to achieve, and what freedoms they can possess. These expectations get passed from generation to generation without question, enhancing social inequities and injustice for all future generations.

Race and caste are not synonyms, but they support each other within American culture. Race is the physical evidence of difference and the significance assigned to that evidence. Caste is how we organize that evidence to maintain division among groups and ascribe the appropriate lifestyles.

The Relationship Between History and Modern Society

Before there was a United States of America, there was a vast wilderness that was conquered and turned into territories. The Europeans who claimed the land in the 1600s saw an opportunity to build a prosperous existence, but to do so, they needed to turn the wild into civilization. The indigenous people were unwilling to help develop their ancestral land, so they were murdered or exiled. The next best option was to find a group of people the Europeans could control to extract the untapped resources of this pristine landscape.

For centuries, religion was the guiding distinction between who had power and who didn’t in Europe. At the top were Protestants, who used the Bible as evidence of their God-given superiority. British Christian missionaries conquered other undeveloped nations and exerted their power by colonizing the natives. Therefore, the decision to use the same tactic to develop this new world was easy. Europeans transported African people to the new world to continue building their kingdoms.

Africans were not the only people initially enslaved to help build the new world. The ranking of Europeans followed a line of heritage and religious affiliation to dictate who could be forced into labor and who couldn’t. Non-Protestant English and Irish immigrants were made to work, but because they were Christians, they were afforded more freedoms. The Africans had not yet adopted Christianity into their culture, so this distinction validated their inferior treatment.

However, once Africans started to convert to Christianity, the religious distinction vanished, and the Europeans needed a new way to justify their subordination. The obvious choice became the stark contrast in skin tone. Thus, they invented two classifications of people—those with light skin became one group called “white,” and those who were not white became “black,” or the opposite of white.

This series of events created the thought patterns upholding the bipolar infrastructure of the American caste system still ingrained in our culture. The power hierarchy developed based on skin color is still the guiding principle used today to determine who people are, where they belong, and what they deserve. Like language, these ideals are learned at a young age and automated into our view of society. We don’t think about how we talk, we just speak. Likewise, we don’t think about why white supremacy is the norm in America, we just move through life understanding that standard. The ranking system is the fabric of American life and considered a given instead of a choice.

Violence as a Habit

People in the American dominant caste lynched, hung, sexually assaulted, and burned at the stake subordinate members from the moment they brought them to the new world and well into the 20th century. These actions were unlawful when the victim was from the dominant caste, but there were no restrictions on the level of violence directed toward the subordinate caste. Violence was a critical part of the American caste system.

Torture on plantations was so common, the different methods had identifiable names. “Bucking” involved tying a slave to a stake in a seated position and forcing them to rotate while being whipped. The whipping could last up to three hours, and the abusers poured salt and red pepper into the wounds afterward. The “picket” was a sort of gallows-like contraption that slaves were fastened into for whipping. It took one enslaved man a month to recover enough to be removed from the picket and five months before he could walk again.

During slavery, owners would advertise their abuses on flyers made to locate runaway slaves. Under the description of the slave, an owner might note that he’d branded the runaway’s face with his initials or castrated him. The signs might encourage those who found the runaways to kill or abuse them upon capture if necessary.

Psychological Torture

Terror was also a daily tool used to regulate the behaviors of the subordinate caste in the South. The dominant caste kept subordinates in a consistent state of psychological terror to further diminish their spirit.

Slave owners strapped slaves into a contraption with metal spikes suspended a few feet above their heads to keep the threat of violence alive. This form of torture could be in response to anything from attempting to escape to not smiling wide enough at auction.

Both the Nazis and Americans had the habit of forcing other subordinate caste members to do the dirty work of abusing someone. This enabled the dominant castes to reinforce their power and the psychological terror of their captives. The fear of receiving the same punishment influenced the actions of the prisoners, and performing these acts of violence themselves damaged their sense of self.

Both dominant castes took this subjugation further by uplifting one member of the subordinate caste to a power position. In the concentration camps, the kapo was the head prisoner in charge of the other Jews in their cell block. On the plantation, the head slave was called the slave driver. Both positions were given enough power to discipline the other prisoners if necessary, which created dissension among the subordinate castes.

The Lasting Effects

Violence and terror reminded the enslaved of how little power they had over their bodies and warned others to stay in line. But when slavery was abolished, the investment the dominant caste had in those black bodies disappeared, and the nature of the violence and terror changed.

The favored action against blacks after Reconstruction changed from whippings to lynchings, often from highly visible trees that townspeople passed by every day. In fact, until the 1950s, there was a lynching in America every three or four days. The time of physical imprisonment was over, but the psychological imprisonment continued.


Poglej si posnetek: What makes tattoos permanent? - Claudia Aguirre


Komentarji:

  1. Mabonaqain

    Čisto prav! Idea good, I support.

  2. Jediah

    I think I've already read about it somewhere

  3. Mikalmaran

    Kaj ste, ljudje! Ali niso naše ocene najboljši šampanjec?



Napišite sporočilo